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IOWA  BIOGEAPHICAL  SEEIES 

EDITED   BY  BENJAMIN  F.  SHAMBAUGH 


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IOWA    BIOGRAPHICAL     SEE 

EDITEB    BY     BENJAMIN     F.     SHAMBAUG 


JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

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STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  IOWA 
IOWA    CITY    IOWA    1919 


JAMh:8   BATRD   WEAVEE 

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IOWA    BIOGEAPHICAL     SERIES 

EDITED     BY     BENJAMIN     F.     SHAMBAUGH 


JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

BY 


FRED    EMORY    HAYNES 

11 


THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  IOWA 

IOWA    CITY    IOWA    1919 


A 


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EDITOR'S  INTEODUCTION 

There  is  mucli  inspiration  in  the  career  of 
General  James  B.  Weaver,  because  in  Ms 
day,  when  the  world  of  politics  ^^was  chang- 
ing and  searching  out  a  new  orbit",  he  was 
a  pioneer  and  a  prophet.  As  a  pioneer  he 
gave  expression  to  the  thought  and  feeling 
of  the  agricultural  West:  he  was,  indeed, 
the  exponent  of  the  democracy  of  the  West, 
and  ^Hhe  key  to  his  position  upon  public 
policies  is  to  be  found  in  his  persistent 
spirit  of  democracy." 

As  a  prophet  General  Weaver  ^^  voiced 
ideas  and  principles  in  Congress  that  were 
little  regarded  at  the  time.  The  contrast 
between  the  reception  given  his  views  in 
1879  and  the  attitude  of  the  two  great  parties 
in  recent  years  towards  social  politics  is  the 
measure  of  the  progress  made  in  the  inter- 
vening period.  The  pioneer  of  1879  is  now 
seen  to  have  been  a  far-sighted  leader"  and 
prophet. 

The  ultimate  test  of  prevision  is  the  rec- 
ord of  fulfillment.    Long  before  the  close  of 


'i9526G 


viii  EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

the  nineteenth  century  General  Weaver 
stood  for  more  democracy ;  he  stood  for  pro- 
hibition; he  stood  against  the  control  of 
government  by  the  interests ;  he  favored  the 
direct  election  of  United  States  Senators; 
he  favored  the  taxation  of  incomes;  he 
favored  the  construction  of  an  isthmian 
canal;  he  advocated  monetary  reform;  he 
proposed  the  establishment  of  a  department 
of  labor ;  and  he  saw  clearly  that  militarism 
was  a  policy  for  keeping  the  people  in 
subjection. 

Benj.  F.  Shambaugh 

OrricE  OF  THE  Superintendent  and  Editor 

The  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa 

Iowa  City  Iowa 


AUTHOR  ^S  PREFACE 

This  study  of  the  life  of  General  James  Baird 
Weaver  is  an  outgro\vth  of  the  writer's  Third 
Party  Movements  Since  the  Civil  War.  A  re- 
view of  the  successive  minor  parties  from  1872 
to  1912  brought  out  very  clearly  the  importance 
of  General  Weaver's  leadership.  The  work  of 
Bryan  and  Roosevelt  and  their  influence  upon 
the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  is  to  be 
explained  only  by  an  appreciation  of  the  earlier 
labors  of  General  Weaver;  and  a  large  part  of 
the  program  of  the  so-called  ^'Progressive 
Movement''  goes  back  to  the  pioneer  labors  of 
the  same  leader,  whose  platform  was  essentially 
one  of  '^ social  and  industrial  justice",  growing 
out  of  conditions  existing  in  the  West  from 
1876  to  1896. 

General  Weaver's  campaigns  of  1880  and 
1892  were  the  real  precursors  of  those  of  Bryan 
in  1896  and  of  Roosevelt  in  1904.  The  election 
of  President  Wilson  in  1912  was  in  many 
respects  the  culmination  of  Weaver's  efforts. 
He  was  really  the  ''first  progressive".     The 


X  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

platform  of  1880,  the  speeches  in  Congress  from 
1879  to  1881  and  from  1885  to  1889,  the  platform 
of  1892,  and  A  Call  to  Action  are  the  documents 
that  form  the  basis  of  the  Progressive  party 
platform  of  1912. 

The  materials  for  the  life  of  General 
Weaver  are  somewhat  meager.  A  large  scrap 
book  filled  with  clippings  and  a  large  letter  file 
form  the  greater  part  of  the  ^^ Weaver  Papers" 
preserved  by  his  family.  Evidently  General 
Weaver  gave  little  thought  to  the  past.  By 
nature  and  temperament  an  optimist,  he  looked 
forward  to  the  very  end  of  his  life.  Fre- 
quently urged  to  record  his  reminiscences  in  his 
later  years,  he  did  nothing  more  than  to  put 
together  some  *^ Memoranda"  in  regard  to  his 
life  down  to  fb.d  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War. 
For  his  services  m  Congress,  the  Congressional 
Record  furnishes  ample  material,  since  he  was 
an  active  participant  in  debates  and  from  time 
to  time  made  extended  speeches  in  which  he 
developed  fully  his  policies  and  measures.  His 
one  book,  A  Call  to  Action,  published  during 
the  campaign  of  1892,  contains  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  a  systematic  presentation  of  his 
views.  A  careful  examination  of  this  volume 
will  impress  the  reader  with  the  number  of 
instances  in  which  General  Weaver  anticipated 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  xi 

later  programs   and  policies   in   our  political 
life. 

The  writer  is  under  special  obligations  to 
General  Weaver's  eldest  son,  James  B.  Weaver, 
Jr.,  for  the  generous  way  in  which  he  has  given 
access  to  all  material  in  his  possession.  Like- 
wise the  writer  is  under  obligation  to  the  editor 
of  the  series.  Dr.  Benj.  F.  Shambaugh,  for  his 
careful  editing  and  for  his  advice  and  encour- 
agement during  the  preparation  of  the  book. 
Acknowledgments  are  also  due  to  Mr.  Edgar  R. 
Harlan,  Curator  of  the  Historical  Department 
of  Iowa,  for  assistance  in  the  use  of  newspapers 
at  Des  Moines.  Dr.  Dan  E.  Clark  offered  many 
valuable  suggestions;  while  Miss  Helen  Otto 
assisted  in  the  verification  of  the  manuscript, 
and  Miss  Euth  A.  Gallaher  compiled  the  index. 

Fbed  E.  Haynes 

The  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa 
Iowa  City  Iowa 


CONTENTS 

I.     Early  Life  and  Education,  1833-1856  1 
II.     Beginnings  in  Law  and  Politics, 

1856-1861 16 

III.  Military  Record,  1861-1865   ....  26 

IV.  Commander  of  the  Post  at  Pulaski  53 
V.     Defending  the  Home  Country  ...  59 

VI.     A  Republican  Leader,  1865-1877    .     .     66 
VII.     First  Session  in  Congress,  1879     .     .  101 
VIII.     Second  Session  in  Congress,  1879-1880  130 
IX.     First  Campaign  for  the  Presidency, 

1880 155 

X.     Close   of   the   First    Term   in   Con- 
gress, 1880-1881     .......  179 

XI.     Political  Activity,  1881-1885    ...  201 
XII.     Return  to  Congress,  1885-1887     .     .  218 

XIII.  Last  Term  in  Congress,  1887-1889    .  258 

XIV.  From  Greenbacker  to  Populist, 

1888-1892       290 

XV.     Second  Campaign  for  the  Presi- 
dency, 1892 310 

xiii 


xiv  CONTENTS 

XVI.     From   Populist   to   Democrat,    1893- 

1896       344 

XVII.     The  Later  Years,  1896-1912  ....  383 

XVIII.     Recognition 407 

XIX.     Final  Tributes 424 

Notes  and  References 447 

Index 477 


PLATES 

James  Baird  Weaver,  from  an  oil 

painting frontispiece 

Lieutenant  James  Baird  Weaver  ,     .  opposite  46 

Colonel  James  Baird  Weaver  .     .     .  opposite  46 

James  Baird  Weaver opposite  104 

Mr.  and  Mrs,  James  Baird  Weaver    .  opposite  410 


Early  Life  and  Education 
1833-1856 

The  family  of  James  Baird  Weaver  was  Scotch 
on  liis  mother's  side  and  German  and  English 
in  the  paternal  line.  His  father's  ancestors 
emigrated  to  England  many  generations  ago, 
and  thence  came  to  America,  settling  in  the 
State  of  New  York.  Some  of  the  family  fought 
in  the  Revolutionary  War,  while  others  gained 
distinction  in  the  towns  where  they  lived. ^ 

Henry  Weaver,  the  grandfather,  was  born  on 
April  15,  1761 ;  and  on  May  1,  1790,  he  married 
Susan  Ross  Crane,  granddaughter  of  Betsy 
Ross  and  daughter  of  a  captain  in  the  Revo- 
lutionary Army  who  lived  in  Elizabethtown, 
New  Jersey.  Of  this  union  there  were  fourteen 
children.  It  is  through  Susan  Ross  Crane,  the 
paternal  grandmother,  that  the  family  traces 
its  relationship  to  Betsy  Ross,  who  made  the 
first  American  flag  at  the  request  of  George 
Washington.2  Removing  from  New  York  to 
Ohio  long  before  the  Indians  left  that  region, 
Henry  Weaver  became  a  leader  in  the  new  west- 
ern community.  He  fought  against  the  Indians, 
and  at  one  time  commanded  a  fort  which  stood 


2  .  ;  .     .     ,, JAMES,  BAIRD  WEAVER 

upon  what  is  now  Main  Street  in  Cincinnati. 
He  served  also  in  the  War  of  1812,  and  acted 
as  jndge  in  one  of  the  early  courts  of  Ohio. 

It  was  in  the  Ohio  home  that  Abram  Weaver, 
father  of  James  Baird  Weaver,  was  born  and 
reared.^  He  married  Snsan  Imlay,  daughter 
of  Captain  Joseph  Imlay  who  had  served  with 
distinction  in  the  Continental  Army.  James, 
who  w^as  the  fifth  child  among  the  thirteen 
children  of  this  union,  was  born  at  Dayton, 
Ohio,  June  12,  1833.  The  father  was  a  skilled 
mechanic  and  millwright  as  well  as  a  farmer. 
In  1835  the  family  removed  from  Dayton  to 
Cass  County,  Michigan,  and  settled  on  a  farm 
in  the  forest  nine  miles  north  of  Cassopolis. 
Here  they  remained  until  the  summer  of  1842, 
when  the  farm  was  sold  and  the  family  mi- 
grated to  the  Territory  of  Iowa. 

From  the  Weaver  Memoranda  it  appears  that 
the  family  reached  Keosauqua  in  October. 
They  ^Svintered  in  an  unfinished  frame  house 
on  the  farm  of  James  Purdam,  situated  oppo- 
site Ely's  Ford  on  the  east  side  of  the  Des 
Moines  river,  one  mile  west  of  the  town."* 
According  to  the  treaty  with  the  Sac  and  Fox 
Indians  '^  white  settlers  were  not  permitted 
west  of  Van  Buren  county  prior  to  May  1st, 
1843.  The  boundary  between  what  was  then 
called  the  old  Black  Hawk  and  the  new  pur- 
chase from  the  Indians  was  in  part  the  west. 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION  3 

line  of  Van  Buren,  and  Davis  county  lying 
immediately  west  was  in  the  new  purchase  .  . 
.  .  But  homeseekers  under  the  guise  of  hunt- 
ers —  my  father  among  them  —  penetrated  the 
wilds  of  the  west  and  northwest  and  selected 
locations  which  they  intended  to  and  did  settle 
upon  as  soon  as  they  could  lawfully  reach  them 
after  the  clock  struck  twelve  on  the  night  of 
April  30,  1843. 

''About  3  P.  M.  May  1st'',  reads  the  Memo- 
randa, Abram  Weaver  ''with  his  entire  family 
and  household  goods  comfortably  packed  in  a 
wagon  drawn  by  two  good  horses,  with  chicken 
coop  fastened  to  the  rear  of  the  wagon,  cow 
tied  behind,  trusty  rifle  and  watch  dog,  halted 
on  a  quarter  section  of  virgin  soil  on  Chequest 
Creek  four  miles  north  of  where  Bloomfield,  the 
county  seat  of  Davis  county  now  stands.  The 
place  is  now  known  as  the  William  Dodd  farm 
near  the  village  of  Belknap.  The  county 
capital,  however,  was  not  designated  until 
about  one  year  after  this  settlement  was  made", 
Abram  Weaver  "being  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners who  located  the  site.  On  the  12th  day 
of  June  following  the  writer  [James  Baird 
Weaver]  reached  the  tenth  year  of  his  age.^^ 

The  first  shelter  in  the  new  home,  continues 
the  Weaver  narrative,  "was  a  bark  shanty  on 
the  bank  of  the  creek.  The  first  house  was  a 
large  log  dwelling  built  of  green  timber  cut  and 


4  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

liewn  from  trees  taken  from  an  extensive 
timber  plat  on  the  south  part  of  father's  claim. 
The  roof  was  made  of  clapboards  riven  by 
father  with  an  old-fashioned  adz.  The  floor 
was  made  of  split  logs  smoothly  hewn  and 
brought  to  a  straight  edge  with  the  adz  —  a 
real  puncheon  floor  as  it  was  called,  sub- 
stantial and  strong.  The  doors  and  windows 
were  hung  on  wooden  hinges,  all  made  and 
fashioned  by  father's  dexterous  hands;  so  the 
family  was  comfortably  housed  and  prepared 
for  the  winter  of  1843-1844. 

*^In  the  meantime  ground  had  been  broken 
and  a  crop  of  seed  corn,  potatoes  and  other 
vegetables  had  been  grown  and  stored  up  .  . 
.  .  Mother's  loom  and  father's  handicraft 
had  been  busy  preparing  for  the  approaching 
winter,  so  by  early  fall  all  was  ready  for  any 
stress  of  weather  that  might  come.  Deer, 
wolves,  wild  pigeons,  prairie  chickens  and  wild 
turkeys  abounded  ....  Sacs  and  Foxes 
and  Pottawattamie  Indian  camps  near  by  were 
all  very  friendly  and  readily  exchanged  courte- 
sies with  settlers.  The  Indians  visited  our 
home  more  or  less  every  day  until  the  spring  of 
1844  when  they  had  mostly  disappeared, 
*  vamoosing'  toward  the  west.  Miles  of  unculti- 
vated prairie  intervened  between  the  cabins  of 
the  settlers,  so  that  aside  from  my  six  brothers 
and  sisters  Indian  boys  were  my  everyday  play- 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION  5 

mates  until  the  first  log*  school  house  some  two 
miles  away  was  erected  the  second  year  after 
locating  upon  the  claim.  These  brawny  ^skin- 
aways',  as  their  parents  called  them,  w^ere 
sturdy  little  chaps,  fleet,  expert  with  bow  and 
arrow,  could  climb  like  squirrels  and  skip  like 
fauns. ' ' 

School  facilities  are  described  as  ^' meager'^ 
in  those  early  days  when  competent  teachers 
were  very  rare.  ^'The  first  teacher  in  our 
locality  was  Robert  Miller,  a  man  of  but  little 
education,  but  a  kind,  patient  and  lovable  per- 
son who  made  the  old  log  school  house  with  its 
homely  benches,  big  w^ide  fireplace  and  greased 
paper  windows  seem  like  a  palace  for  its 
twenty  odd  girls  and  boys  gathered  daily  for 
instruction  under  its  clapboard  roof.  That 
white  oak  ridge  where  the  homely  school  house 
stood  is  sacred  still  in  my  memory.  The  ele- 
mentary spelling  book  w^hich  I  carried  to  and 
from  this,  my  Alma  Mater,  was  obtained  at 
Bloomfield  from  John  A.  Lucas,  the  pioneer 
merchant,  in  exchange  for  a  coon  skin  which  I 
carried  to  him.  That  blessed  old  school  book 
opened  first  to  me  the  door  that  leads  to  the 
republic  of  letters.  If  it  could  possibly  now  be 
found  I  would  treasure  it  and  hand  it  down  to 
my  children.  The  Friday  afternoons  we  all 
stood  and  spelled  down  were  great 'days  and 
stimulated  the  youthful  ambition  to  blood  heat. 


6  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

^'A  lonely  Indian  trail  near  our  cabin  led 
close  by  the  school  house,  and  it  was  no  un- 
common thing  as  we  were  going  and  coming  to 
see  wolves  both  of  the  large  and  small  variety 
trot  across  the  trail.  This  had  the  effect  of 
stimulating  our  activity  and  reducing  loitering 
to  a  minimum.  Wild  dogs  were  almost  as 
numerous  in  those  days  as  domestic  canines  are 
now,  with  this  advantage  in  favor  of  the 
wolves,  that  they  were  self-supporting.  The 
fear  which  they  inspired  among  the  children 
rounded  us  up  like  young  calves  and  met  with 
unanimous  approval  among  the  teachers  in 
those  halcyon  days.  Neither  red  haws,  ripe 
plums,  hickory,  hazel  nor  walnuts  could  tempt 
the  children  to  loiter  by  the  wayside.  Punctu- 
ality was  a  virtue  with  us  all.  The  wolf  should 
have  due  credit  for  his  contribution  to  pioneer 
scholarship. 

^'We  spent  ^ve  years  on  the  farm.  Mother 
wove  on  the  old  loom  the  jeans  and  other  cloth 
necessary  for  family  wear  and  then  cut  and 
made  our  clothes.  Each  fall  father  bought 
sides  of  upper  and  sole  leather  and  from  these 
made  our  boots  and  shoes.  The  girls  ^  shoes 
were  made  of  finer  quality  of  calf  skin.  All 
stockings  and  mittens  were  manufactured  at 
home  from  yarn  spun  on  the  large  and  small 
spinning  "wheels  ....  Before  the  open 
cheerful    fireplace    there    was    merry    chatter, 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION  7 

song,  and  a  thrilling  touch  of  music,  father 
leading  with  his  dear  old  flute.  They  were 
happy  days  with  the  children  all  at  home. 
Everything  was  natural,  and  modern  conven- 
tionalities wholly  unknown.  Deep  snows  were 
a  challenge  to  fun,  coon  hunting  a  luxury, 
shooting  wild  turkeys  and  prairie  chickens  and 
netting  quail  almost  a  daily  occurrence.  Every 
necessity  of  life  seemed  to  be  piled  right  up  at 
our  door.  The  south  side  of  our  cabin  was 
always  covered  in  the  winter  time  with  coon 
skins,  wolf  and  deer  hides,  tacked  up  to  dry. 
They  were  regarded  as  legal  tender  at  the  store. 
Those  were  charming  days  when  we  were  all 
close  to  Nature's  throbbing  heart.  True,  we 
were  forty-five  miles  from  grist  mill,  and  fre- 
quently without  either  meal  or  flour.  But  we 
ground  ^grits'  on  our  old  coffee  mill  and  fared 
sumptuously  every  day. 

''When  the  pioneer  preacher  came  around,  as 
he  frequently  did,  he  was  always  a  jolly  fellow 
and  after  father  and  mother  called  the  children 
all  in  we  had  enough  to  make  a  fair  sized  con- 
gregation, and  how  those  early  saddle-bag 
preachers  could  sing!  With  good  cheer  they 
hunted  up  the  remote  settlers,  through  rain  and 
sunshine  they  reminded  us  of  God  and  duty 
and  invited  us  all  to  the  big  meeting  which  was 
always  soon  to  occur  at  some  pioneer  home.  All 
formality    was    discarded    at    those    religious 


8  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

gatherings.  They  sang  and  prayed  with 
unction.  Amen  and  Hallelujah  resounded  as  a 
matter  of  course. 

'^  After  crops  were  laid  by  in  summer, 
through  the  fall  and  winter  father  worked  at 
his  trade,  built  houses,  made  furniture,  cut 
hoop  poles,  made  staves  and  fashioned  them 
into  barrels,  and  busied  himself  with  an  almost 
endless  variety  of  handicraft  for  which  he  was 
noted  throughout  the  widely  scattered  neigh- 
borhood. 

^^  Finally  he  was  elected  Clerk  of  the  District 
Court  for  our  county  and  then  we  moved  into 
town.  Here  our  school  opportunities  were 
somewhat  improved  as  tliey  extended  over 
longer  periods  of  time,  and  a  higher  class  of 
teachers  were  secured.  Our  home  life  was 
more  varied  as  w^e  met  our  neighbors  with 
greater  frequency  —  a  priceless  boon  in  pio- 
neer life.  It  was  a  real  joy  in  those  days  to 
meet  our  neighbors.  Hospitality  was  at  high 
tide,  while  only  a  trace  of  selfishness  could 
occasionally  be  found  to  mar  the  generous  flow 
of  good  neighborship. 

^ '  Soon  after  moving  into  town  father  secured 
from  the  government  a  contract  to  carry  on 
horseback  a  bi-weekly  mail  from  Bloomfield  to 
Fairfield,  and  I  was  detailed  for  the  job.  1 
entered  upon  the  work  and  served  for  tliree 
years  winter  and  summer.     I  was   forced  to 


EARLY  LIFE  AND   EDUCATION  9 

leave  school  and  so  pursued  my  studies  as  best 
I  could  at  nights  at  home.  Finally  father  threw 
up  his  contract  and  then  I  re-entered  the  old 
log  school  house.  My  experience  as  mail  car- 
rier was  interesting  and  frequently  thrilling, 
being  compelled  often  times  to  swim  swollen 
streams,  including  the  Des  Moines  River  and 
Big  Cedar  Creek,  many  times  every  year,  and 
to  engage  in  battles  royal  with  neighbor  boys 
who  gathered  along  the  trail  to  fret  and  annoy 
if  possible  the  lad  who  rode  astride  the  govern- 
ment saddle-bags.  But  fair  play  was  always 
the  motto  on  both  sides  and  that  was  the  only 
condition  required.  It  was  not  long  until  the 
boys  were  all  my  friends  and  some  of  them  still 
live  to  manifest  their  generous  feeling.  Caleb 
BaldAvin,  afterward  Chief  elustice  of  Iowa,  and 
long  since  passed  away,  was  post-master  at 
Fairfield  during  this  period,  and  at  the  same 
time  pursuing  the  study  of  law.  I  frequently 
rode  up  to  the  post-office  door  and  threw  the 
mail  bag  into  his  hands.  He  was  a  young  man 
of  enormous  size,  weighing  three  hundred 
pounds,  active  and  powerful,  and  completely 
filled  the  door  as  he  appeared  to  receive  the 
bags.     .     .     . 

'^It  is  my  recollection  that  I  began  carrying 
the  mail  in  the  early  fall  of  1847  and  quit  in 
1851.'"'  The  Mexican  war  had  occurred  while  we 
were  on  the  farm  and  was  over  before  I  became 


10  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

knight  of  the  saddle-bags,  and  the  old  soldiers 
had  returned,  and  some  of  them  were  domiciled 
among  us.  I  took  up  my  elementary  studies  in 
the  local  school;  but  news  of  the  discovery  of 
gold  at  Sutter's  Mill  in  California  in  1848 
quickly  crossed  the  continent  and  became 
known  to  the  world.  This  thrilled  and  intensely 
excited  all  classes  of  people,  and  all  the  older 
pioneers,  including  myself,  caught  the  fever. 
But  my  parents  repressed  its  rage  to  the  utmost 
of  their  power,  and  notwithstanding  a  brother- 
in-law,  Dr.  C.  W.  Phelps,  pulled  out  for  the 
Eldorado  in  the  spring  of  1849,  I  was  not  per- 
mitted to  accompany  him,  but  continued  to 
carry  the  mail  until  the  latter  part  of  1851. 
After  quitting  the  road  I  attended  three  terms 
of  school.  In  addition,  I  had  begun  to  study 
law  under  occasional  instructors  in  the  office  of 
Hon.  S.  G.  McAchran,  a  practicing  lawyer  at 
Bloomfield,  during  the  summer  and  winter  of 
1852-1853. 

*^I  was  now  about  nineteen  years  of  age, 
strong,  and  with  the  rugged  experience  of  the 
pioneer  lad  felt  that  I  was  equal  to  any  emer- 
gency. Meantime  my  brother-in-law.  Dr. 
Phelps,  had  reached  home  returning  by  sea  via 
New  York  with  a  snug  quantity  of  gold,  and 
was  preparing  for  another  trip  overland  with  a 
herd  of  cattle,  and  would  need  my  help.  Fifty 
head  of  steers  were  secured,  all  tamed  to  the 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION  H 

yoke,  and  I  engaged  to  accompany  him  as  an 
all  round  hand  and  helper.'' 

Late  in  March,  1853,  the  start  for  California 
was  made  by  a  company  of  four  persons:  Dr. 
Phelps,  young  Weaver,  and  two  others  referred 
to  as  ''Mike"  and  ''Jack".  The  leader  of  the 
expedition  was  Dr.  Phelps  who  had  crossed  the 
plains  in  1849.  His  experience  with  horses  on 
that  trip  had  determined  him  to  change  to  oxen 
on  this  second  journey:  fifty-two  were  taken,  of 
which  eight  worked  at  a  time. 

On  account  of  road  conditions  and  swollen 
streams  the  party  did  not  reach  the  Missouri 
River  until  about  the  middle  of  April.  After 
two  days  of  rest  they  crossed  this  river  and 
bade  adieu  to  white  settlements.  To  the  youth- 
ful traveler  the  first  noticeable  feature  was  the 
vastness  of  the  country  as  compared  with  the 
narrow  limits  of  his  boyhood  home.  For  a  fort- 
night the  journey  was  "commonplace  and 
monotonous,  relieved  only  by  the  occasional 
killing  of  an  antelope  for  food,  or  the  shooting 
of  a  wolf."  The  weather  was  soft  and  pleasant 
for  many  weeks,  except  for  a  sudden  sandstorm 
which  surprised  the  party  one  morning  about 
ten  o'clock  and  lasted  two  hours  and  forty 
minutes.  They  survived  the  ordeal  without  loss 
or  injury. 

While  near  the  Green  River  country  in  Utah 
they  experienced  some  alarm  because  of  the 


12  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

behavior  of  the  Indians,  whom  they  had  ex- 
pected would  be  friendly  and  peaceable.  For- 
tunately, however,  nothing  haxjpened  in  this 
region  more  thrilling  than  the  shooting  of  a 
huge  cougar  by  Dr.  Phelps.  This  episode 
aroused  in  the  party  a  desire  to  hunt  big  game, 
and  so  they  decided  to  spend  a  day  or  two 
hunting  the  grizzly  and  the  lion  in  the  Hum- 
boldt Mountains  in  Nevada  near  which  they 
would  pass.  One  day's  experience,  during 
w^hich  they  saw  two  large  cinnamon  bears  and 
a  cougar,  satisfied  them  that  a  ^^  party  consisting 
of  but  four  men,  indifferently  armed  and  in- 
experienced ....  were  risking  life  in  a 
hazardous  pastime.''  After  crossing  the  desert 
and  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  they  arrived 
at  Sacramento  on  August  15tli;  and  here  they 
went  into  camp. 

^^  After  resting  briefly  and  satisfying  our 
curiosity",  wrote  Weaver  in  The  World  Re- 
view, '^Mike  and  Jack  secured  employment  and 
the  little  party  was  reduced  to  the  Doctor  and 
myself.  Before  leaving  home,  I  had  resolved 
to  enter  the  legal  profession,  and  after  a  brief 
mining  adventure,  the  desire  for  gold  and  the 
rough  life  which  makes  its  finding  possible,  was 
entirely  dissipated,  and  I  was  seized  with  an 
intense  desire  to  return  and  take  up  my  studies. 
The  Doctor  ....  was  anxious  to  join  me 
in  the  return  bv  sea  in  October.     The  cattle 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION  13 

were  readily  disposed  of  at  good  figures.  We 
then  repaired  to  San  Francisco  and  spent  a 
fortnight  exploring  the  city,  hunting  up  old 
friends,  and  informing  ourselves  concerning 
the  safest  and  best  manned  vessel  upon  which 
we  could  embark  for  New  York  via  Panama. 
The  ^John  L.  Stevens',  a  powerful  clipper  built 
boat,  beautiful  to  look  upon  and  advertised  to 
clear  October  2,  was  selected  and  tickets  se- 
cured. Another  ship  ....  was  booked 
to  leave  the  same  day  and  hour,  but  the 
*  Stevens'  was  preferred  because  of  her  speed, 
which  resulted  from  her  clipper  spread  of  sails 
supplementing  her  steam;  and  for  the  further 
reason  that  Captain  Pierson  had  commanded 
her  for  about  five  years  in  the  passenger  service 
on  that  coast.'' 

Except  for  a  severe  storm  at  sea  and  an 
experience  with  brigands  in  crossing  the 
Isthmus,  nothing  of  moment  happened  in  the 
course  of  the  journey  to  New  York.  The 
Doctor  and  his  companion  each  had  ''belted" 
about  them  ''about  twenty-five  hundred  dollars 
in  what  were  then  known  as  fifty-dollar  octagon 
gold  slugs."  The  Panama  Railroad  was  then 
in  operation  for  a  distance  of  only  twelve  miles 
from  the  Atlantic.^ 

In  the  year  following  his  return  to  Iowa 
young  Weaver  became  clerk  for  Edward  Man- 
ning at  Bonaparte,  Iowa.    His  employer,  who 


14  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

later  became  one  of  the  richest  men  in  the  State, 
took  a  fancy  to  him,  and  when  he  indicated  his 
intention  of  leaving,  Mr.  Manning  offered  him 
increased  pay  and  an  interest  in  the  business. 
Weaver,  however,  declined  to  accept  the  offer, 
having  decided  to  earn  his  living  by  means 
other  than  those  of  manual  labor.  Ability  to 
speak  in  public  and  a  taste  for  discussion  and 
controversy  turned  him  towards  the  study  of 
law.  At  the  same  time  the  experiences  of  his 
early  life,  coupled  with  a  deep  respect  for  his 
father,  who  was  both  farmer  and  mechanic, 
formed  an  abiding  influence  in  the  life  of  James 
Baird  Weaver:  it  gave  to  him  an  interest  in 
and  sympathy  with  both  farmers  and  artisans 
that  had  much  to  do  with  the  shaping  of  his 
career."^ 

In  the  autumn  of  1855  Weaver  entered  the 
Cincinnati  Law  School  from  which  he  gradu- 
ated the  following  year.  His  favorite  instruc- 
tor was  the  professor  of  legal  rights,  Bellamy 
Storer,  for  whom  later  he  named  his  first  son 
James  Bellamy.  The  examination  preparatory 
to  the  receipt  of  his  diploma  was  conducted  by 
a  committee  of  five;  and  the  certificate,  which 
bears  the  date  of  April  14,  1856,  was  signed 
among  others  by  Eutherford  B.  Hayes,  who 
afterwards  became  President  of  the  United 
States.  While  at  the  law  school  Weaver's  ex- 
penses were  not  high.     One  hundred  dollars. 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION  15 

which  he  borrowed  from  a  friend  who  charged 
him  thirty-three  and  one-third  percent  interest, 
met  the  bulk  of  his  expenditures.  Such  experi- 
ences as  this  one  may  have  had  an  influence  in 
forming  his  opinions  in  regard  to  capital  and 
the  issue  of  money  —  opinions  which  later  led 
him  to  break  away  from  the  Republican  party 
and  become  an  independent  party  leader.^ 


II 

Beginnings  in  Law  and  Politics 

1856-1861 

Immediately  after  his  graduation  at  Cincinnati 
young  Weaver  returned  to  Bloomfield  and 
entered  into  the  practice  of  the  law,  taking  the 
oath  as  an  attorney-at-law  before  Judge  H.  B. 
Hendershott.  Two  years  later  he  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  the  United  States  District  Court 
of  Iowa  at  Burlington,  the  oath  being  adminis- 
tered by  James  M.  Love.'^  Before  he  had  fairly 
established  himself  in  the  practice  of  his  chosen 
profession  the  Civil  War  broke  out;  and  after 
1878  he  either  held  public  office  or  was  engaged 
actively  in  politics.  People  w^ho  remember  his 
early  appearances  in  court  declare  lie  was  an 
able  advocate. 

At  the  time  when  his  career  was  to  receive  its 
initial  direction  the  country  was  agitated  by 
discussions  and  conflicts  over  the  slavery  ques- 
tion. The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  of  1854  roused  the 
opposition  of  all  those  who  were  hostile  to  the 
extension  of  slave  territory  and  gave  to  the 
anti-slavery  movement  an  impetus  and  support 
it  had  never  before  had.    Iowa,  bordering  as  it 

16 


LAW  AND  POLITICS  17 

did  upon  the  territory  involved,  was  vitally 
interested  in  the  conflicts  that  followed.  More- 
over, Iowa  had  been  ^'a  steadfast  Democratic 
State.  It  had  voted  for  two  presidential  candi- 
dates, Cass  and  Pierce.  In  ...  .  Con- 
gress it  had  two  Democratic  senators,  one 
Democratic  and  one  Whig  representative.  Both 
of  the  senators  and  the  Democratic  represent- 
ative voted  for  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill;  the 
Whig  representative  did  not  vote."^*^ 

The  southern  half  of  the  State  was  strongly 
pro-slavery,  while  the  northern  portion  had 
been  settled  from  the  regions  in  the  East  that 
were  opposed  to  slavery  extension.  It  was  in 
Iowa  that  the  first  election  after  the  enactment 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  to  be  held. 
James  W.  Grimes  who  had  been  nominated  for 
Governor  by  the  Whigs  was  endorsed  by  a  Free 
Soil  convention.  He  conducted  an  aggressive 
campaign  during  w^hich  he  visited  nearly  every 
part  of  the  State,  driving  from  county  to  county 
in  his  own  conveyance.  His  election  in  August 
by  23,325  votes  over  his  Democratic  opponent, 
who  received  21,202  votes,  marked  the  end  of 
Democratic  supremacy  for  thirty-five  years. 
Another  result  of  this  election  was  the  choice 
of  an  avowed  anti-slavery  man  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  Fremont  carried  the  State  in 
1856;  and  two  years  later  Grimes  was  sent  to 
the  Senate.^^ 


18  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Beginning  his  active  career  under  such  con- 
ditions Weaver  very  naturally  became  involved 
in  the  slavery  agitation.  His  interest  was  first 
aroused  by  a  series  of  debates  with  George  W. 
McCrary  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  in  the 
country  school  houses  of  Van  Buren  County 
during  the  winter  of  1853-1854.  The  discovery, 
made  at  this  time,  that  he  had  a  gift  for  public 
speaking  determined  him  to  study  law.  Un- 
doubtedly the  debates  with  McCrary,  which 
gave  him  an  opportunity  to  test  his  ability, 
were  of  great  importance  in  shaping  his  career. 

His  own  account  of  these  debates  described 
^^the  eventful  period"  of  his  life  as  beginning 
with  them.  He  was  clerking  for  Manning  at 
Bonaparte,  while  McCrary  was  teaching  school 
in  the  same  town.  Weaver,  who  was  then  a 
Democrat,  was  drawn  into  a  public  debate  by 
McCrary  who  had  already  become  opposed  to 
slavery.  Before  an  audience  composed  largely 
of  Democrats  Weaver  ^^  portrayed  the  danger 
to  the  union  if  slavery  was  interfered  with." 
He  forced  his  opponent  ^'into  a  position  in 
which  he  declared  that  if  it  was  necessary  to 
preserve  slavery  to  preserve  the  union,  then  let 
the  union  go.  I  had  him  then  and  the  debate 
was  decided  for  me." 

It  was  not  long  after  this  that  Weaver  was 
converted  to  the  Free  Soil  idea  by  reading  the 
New  York  Tribune  and   Uncle  Tom's  Cabin. 


LAW  AND  POLITICS  19 

^'At  that  time,  1856,  there  were  but  six  known 
Free  Soilers  in  Davis  County'',  writes  Weaver 
in  his  Memoranda.  ^* Being  thoroughly  im- 
pressed that  human  slavery  was  wrong  and 
wholly  bad,  and  convinced  that  the  Democratic 
party  was  hopelessly  committed  to  the  insti- 
tution, and  pledged  to  perpetuate  and  extend 
it,  after  consultation  wdth  my  parents,  I  openly 
left  my  party  in  1857  and  announced  myself  as 
a  Free  Soiler  ....  Of  course  this  called 
down  upon  my  youthful  head  the  wrath  of  every 
other  Democrat  in  the  locality,  but  being  com- 
bative and  having  anticipated  the  inevitable 
result  I  did  not  flinch,  but  prepared  to  defend 
myself  against  all  assailants. 

^^The  clouds  were  thickening,  events  multi- 
plying and  it  became  evident  to  close  observers 
that  the  storm  would  soon  break  with  the  force 
of  an  avalanche  over  the  whole  country.  Re- 
cruits began  to  come  into  our  ranks  and  soon 
we  became  aggressive  and  assailed  the  defend- 
ers of  slavery  in  the  school  houses  in  every  part 
of  the  county.  "^^ 

In  the  course  of  this  activity,  Weaver  '^went 
into  Van  Buren  County  and  stumped  for  Mr. 
McCrary,  who  was  running  for  ^floating  repre- 
sentative', at  the  request  of  H.  Clay  Caldwell, 
afterward  judge  of  the  United  States  Circuit 
Court.  My  speech  was  at  Keosauqua,  in  the 
old  court  house  there.    Caldwell  was  so  tickled 


20  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

over  the  speech  that  he  kicked  a  solid  walnut 
table  to  pieces. ''^^ 

Once  embarked  upon  a  political  career  in 
such  stirring  times,  Weaver  threw  himself 
heartily  into  the  struggle.  His  own  account  of 
these  years  in  Iowa,  as  recorded  in  his  Memo- 
randa, shows  his  characteristic  enthusiasm  and 
optimism.  *^The  election  of  James  W.  Grimes 
as  Governor  in  1854  completely  unified  the 
Whigs  and  Free  Soilers  ....  imparted 
to  the  new  and  compact  force  an  aggressive 
spirit,  and  made  certain  the  election  of  Gov. 
Grimes  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1858. 
This  promotion  of  our  stout  hearted  leader 
electrified  his  supporters  and  cleared  the  way 
for  the  great  contest  for  Governor  in  1859. 

**The  Democracy  determined  to  reclaim  the 
ground  lost  in  the  Grimes  campaign,  understood 
fully  the  importance  of  selecting  their  strongest 
man,  and  accordingly  placed  in  nomination 
Hon.  A.  C.  Dodge  who  had  served  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  acceptably  and  a  gentle- 
man of  the  highest  integrity,  possessing  no 
mean  military  experience  on  the  frontier,  and 
held  in  the  highest  esteem  throughout  the  state. 
In  addition  to  this  he  was  at  the  time  of  his 
nomination  our  Minister  at  the  Spanish  Court. 

^^The  Eepublicans  —  this  was  the  name 
under  which  the  new  force  was  now  acting  — 
nominated  the  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  for- 


LAW  AND  POLITICS  21 

merly  a  Democrat  who  possessed  exceptional 
skill  as  a  campaigner,  and  immediately  the 
struggle  waxed  hot  and  became  fierce.  These 
antagonists  were  both  in  their  prime  and  each 
had  seen  enough  of  public  life  to  sharpen  their 
weapons  of  offense  and  defense  and  to  give 
poise  in  the  stress  of  battle.  Kirkwood  in  those 
days  was  like  a  skilled  swordsman,  adroit,  cool, 
knew  his  ground  and  always  aggressive.  Dodge 
was  stately,  military  in  bearing,  a  stickler  for 
the  old  regimen.  He  invoked  the  constitution 
as  interpreted  in  the  Dred  Scott  decision  and 
plead  for  the  binding  character  and  inviola- 
bility of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  He  plead  for 
the  Union  and  predicted  dire  disaster  if  the 
decision  and  the  law  were  ever  repealed.  But 
Kirkwood  was  the  better  debater,  more  impas- 
sioned and  was  abreast  with  the  anti-slavery 
tide;  while  Dodge  caught  by  the  receding 
waters  of  the  old  feudality  which  he  failed  to 
see  could  never  again  flow  back,  was  carried  out 
and  engulfed  in  inevitable  defeat.  The  world 
was  changing  and  searching  out  a  new  orbit. 

^'The  campaign  included  a  series  of  joint  de- 
bates between  these  candidates,  and  the  people 
came  in  multitudes  to  hear.  A  part  of  the  dis- 
cussion related  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  I 
was  present  at  the  Bloomfield  encounter  and  it 
was  a  titanic  struggle.  Kirkwood  drew  a  pic- 
ture of  a  slave  mother  with  a  babe  in  her  arms 


22  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

fleeing  from  bondage  with  her  eye  on  the  North 
Star.  In  close  pursuit  was  her  cruel  master 
with  his  bloodhounds  hard  after  her,  just  as  she 
crossed  the  Iowa  line  from  Missouri.  Clench- 
ing his  fists  and  advancing  toward  Dodge  he 
demanded  to  know  if  he  under  such  circum- 
stances w^ould  turn  that  fleeing  mother  and  her 
infant  back  to  her  pursuing  master.  Before 
the  breathless  multitude  Kirkwood  shouted  at 
the  top  of  his  voice  'Answer  my  question!' 
Dodge  replied,  'I  would  obey  the  law.'  Kirk- 
wood retorted,  '  So  help  me,  God,  I  would  suffer 
my  right  arm  to  be  torn  from  its  socket  before 
I  would  do  such  a  monstrous  thing!'  The 
crowd  broke  into  a  frenzy  that  resembled  the 
sweep  of  a  cyclone  through  a  forest.  Men  grew 
pale  and  clenched  each  other  in  frenzy.  The 
whole  audience  and  everybody  were  carried  off 
their  feet.  The  moral  sense  of  the  multitude 
had  been  reached  and  it  was  vain  to  attempt  to 
reverse  the  deep  impression  which  had  been 
made. 

''However,  so  evenly  balanced  were  the 
opposing  forces  in  the  field  that  the  official 
returns  only  gave  Kirkwood  a  fraction  of  above 
3,000  majority  in  the  state  over  his  sturdy 
antagonist,  which  demonstrated  conclusively 
that  it  was  skill  in  debate  and  presenting  the 
claims  of  freedom  that  insured  victory  in  that 
historic  struggle.     We  were  passing  through 


LAW  AND  POLITICS  23 

the  pangs  of  a  new  birth,  and  for  a  while  it  was 
hard  to  tell  the  result.  But  while  the  margin 
was  small,  it  was  sufficient  to  place  our  young 
commonwealth  permanently  in  the  anti-slavery 
column  and  to  prepare  her  people  for  the  his- 
toric uprising  of  1860,  and  the  deluge  just 
beyond."^'* 

Weaver's  actual  part  in  the  stirring  events 
of  the  years  during  which  the  Republican  party 
was  taking  shape  and  while  the  stage  was  pre- 
paring for  the  Civil  War  could  not  have  been  a 
large  one  since  he  was  only  twenty-eight  in 
1861.  One  may  imagine,  however,  that  he  was 
more  than  an  interested  spectator,  and  that  his 
personal  experiences  and  observations  during 
these  years  of  party  change  and  conflicts  left 
impressions  that  largely  explain  his  belief  in 
the  possibility  of  the  reorganization  of  parties 
to  serve  the  interests  of  the  masses  of  the 
people. 

His  active  participation  in  affairs  led  to  his 
selection  as  a  delegate  from  Davis  County  to 
the  Republican  State  Convention  held  at  Des 
Moines  in  January,  1860,  to  name  delegates  to 
the  national  nominating  convention.^^  With 
Fitz  Henry  Warren,  Jacob  Rich,  Governor 
Samuel  J.  Kirkw^ood,  James  B.  Howell,  James 
Thorington,  Hiram  Price,  Judge  John  F.  Dillon, 
Amos  N.  Currier,  and  F.  W.  Palmer  he  is  men- 
tioned as  among  those  who  in  May,  1860,  com- 


24  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

prised  ^^ Iowa's  volunteer  attendance"  at  the 
Chicago  Convention  which  nominated  Lincoln 
for  the  Presidency.^^  In  addition  he  is  named 
in  a  list  of  fifty-eight  ^  headers  earnestly  sup- 
porting Kirkwood"  in  ISSO.^"^  He  is  referred 
to  as  making  speeches  in  the  campaigns  of  1856 
and  1860,  and  as  *  ^  fascinated ' '  by  the  doctrines 
of  Fremont  to  which  ^' he  gave  himself  up  .  . 
.  .  with  all  the  ardor  of  his  mature  years.  "^^ 
To  Weaver  probably  belongs  the  credit  of 
being  one  of  the  originators  of  the  expression 
*^the  bloody  shirt".  His  own  story  of  the 
origin  of  the  use  of  the  phrase  was  that  a 
*^  preacher  by  the  name  of  McKinney,  a  most 
pugnacious  and  forceful  man,  moved  from 
Davis  county  to  Texas.  He  was  one  of  these 
fellows  who  would  preach  every  Sunday  if  he 
had  to  be  the  audience  himself.  Down  in  Texas 
one  Sunday  he  got  the  negroes  together  at  Ft. 
Worth  and  preached  to  them.  Word  was 
passed  around  that  an  abolitionist  was  exciting 
the  negroes  to  insurrection  and  the  citizens  got 
together.  They  took  McKinney  out  and 
whipped  him  with  a  rawhide  blacksnake  whip, 
cutting  his  shirt  into  shreds  and  lacerating  his 
body.  He  returned  to  Davis  county  in  about 
'55  or  '56,  and  an  abolitionist  meeting  was  held 
and  I  presided.  McKinney  had  his  shirt  with 
him.  A  few  days  later  I  was  at  Agency  City. 
Senator   Grimes,   James    F.    AVilson,    Edward 


LAW  AND  POLITICS  25 

Stiles  and  myself  were  speakers.  I  recounted 
the  outrages  on  McKinney  and  had  the  shirt 
with  me.  I  waved  it  before  the  crowds  and 
bellowed:  ^ Under  this  bloody  shirt  we  propose 
to  march  to  victory'.  I  was  a  very  young  man 
in  those  days. ' '  The  effect  of  such  a  statement 
upon  an  audience  gathered  together  in  south- 
ern Iowa  during  those  years  requires  no 
elaboration.  For  nearly  twenty  years  after  the 
Civil  War  *Hhe  bloody  shirf  was  regularly 
waved  in  each  campaign,  and  it  rarely  failed  to 
gain  votes  for  the  Eepublicans.^^ 

It  was  during  these  years  of  preparation  for 
his  w^ork  in  life  that  Weaver  married  Miss 
Clara  Vinson,  a  native  of  St.  Mary's,  Ohio,  who 
had  been  teaching  school  at  Keosauqua  and 
whom  he  met  while  he  was  clerking  at  Bona- 
parte. Courtship  in  those  pioneer  days  meant 
the  fording  of  streams  and  tramping  through 
the  woods.  On  one  occasion  young  Weaver 
undertook  to  make  the  trip  from  Bloomfield  to 
Keosauqua;  and  when  he  got  to  Pittsburg  he 
found  the  Des  Moines  River  ^^a  seething  tor- 
rent, the  ice  was  breaking  up  and  the  river  was 
full  of  huge  cakes,  grinding  and  rocking  and 
almost  prohibiting  passage.  I  .  .  .  .  got  a 
long  pole.  With  the  aid  of  this,  I  jumped  from 
one  cake  to  another  until  I  reached  the  opposite 
shore. ' '  They  were  married  on  July  13, 1858,  at 
Keosauqua  by  Rev.  Miltiades  Miller.-^ 


Ill 

MiLiTAKY  Record 

1861-1865 

As  soon  as  the  call  for  volunteers  was  issued  by 
President  Lincoln  in  April,  1861,  a  company  of 
volunteers  was  formed  at  Bloomfield;  and  of 
this  company  James  Baker,  who  had  served  in 
the  Mexican  War,  and  James  B.  Weaver  were 
elected  captain  and  first  lieutenant.  It  was  the 
hope  of  these  volunteers  that  they  would  be 
included  in  the  First  Iowa  Regiment.  Immedi- 
ately upon  the  organization  of  the  company, 
Baker  and  Weaver  left  for  Burlington  in  search 
of  Governor  Kirkwood  to  tender  to  him  the 
services  of  the  new  company.  At  Burlington  as 
they  went  on  board  the  boat  they  met  the 
Governor  coming  off.  They  retired  into  the 
cabin,  where  commissions  were  issued  to 
Weaver  and  others. 

The  Weaver  commission  bears  the  date  of 
April  23,  1861,  the  name  of  the  company  and  of 
the  regiment  being  left  blank.  The  First  Regi- 
ment being  full  before  the  offer  was  made,  the 
Bloomfield  company  became  Company  G  of  the 
Second   Iowa   Infantry.     To   Weaver   a   later 

26 


MILITARY  RECORD  27 

commission  was  issued,  under  date  of  May  28, 
1861,  in  which  the  company  and  regiment  were 
given  their  proper  designation.^^ 

''Bloomfield  was  then  thirty-five  miles  from 
a  railroad,  and  the  patriotic  farmers  of  the 
neighborhood  brought  in  their  teams  and 
hauled  the  embryo  warriors  to  the  nearest 
station  —  Keosauqua.''^^  The  rendezvous  for 
the  troops  from  southern  Iowa  was  Keokuk; 
and  as  soon  as  enough  companies  had  arrived 
to  form  a  regiment,  the  Second  Iowa  Infantry 
was  organized  and  mustered  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States.  ^^It  was  the  first  regiment 
of  three  years'  men  ....  sent  into  the 
field,  and  the  first  of  all  to  leave  Iowa  for  the 
theatre  of  war."^^ 

It  left  Keokuk  on  June  13th  with  instructions 
**to  take  military  control  of  the  lines  of  the 
Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  and  North  Missouri 
Railroads.''  Colonel  Samuel  K  Curtis  stated 
in  his  official  report  ^ '  that  he  received  the  order 
at  one  o'clock  a.  m.  and  that  at  five  o'clock 
a.  m."  the  regiment  was  on  board  the  steamer. 
Landing  at  Hannibal,  Missouri,  on  the  same 
day.  Colonel  Curtis  ^^ proceeded  to  take  mili- 
tary possession  of  the  railroads  indicated, 
using  for  that  purpose  ....  a  force  of 
about  2,700 ' ',  including  his  own  regiment.  *  ^  As 
he  advanced,  small  forces  of  the  enemy  were 
encountered  and  quickly  overcome ;  flags,  muni- 


28  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

tions  of  war,  prisoners  and  supplies  were  cap- 
tured, and  loyal  and  peaceable  citizens  assured 
protection.  Leaving  detachments  to  guard  the 
bridges,  buildings  and  other  railroad  property 
from  destruction,  he  pressed  forward'^,  and 
arrived  at  St.  Joseph  on  June  15,  1861. 

In  fifty-six  hours  from  the  time  orders  were 
received  at  Keokuk,  military  possession  of  the 
railroad  had  been  taken  and  the  Confederate 
forces  that  were  mustering  through  that  part 
of  the  State  were  scattered  and  disorganized. 
^'The  promptness  with  which  the  order  was 
obeyed  alone  saved  this  important  line  of  rail- 
road for  the  transportation  of  Union  troops 
and  supplies,  and  prevented  a  more  prolonged 
resistance  by  the  Confederate  forces  in  that 
portion  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  Colonel 
Curtis  was  promptly  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
Brigadier  General  and  later  was  given  the  rank 
of  Major  General. '^^4 

The  principal  points  from  which  the  Second 
Iowa  Regiment  operated  during  the  summer 
and  autumn  of  1861  were  Bird's  Point,  Ironton, 
Pilot  Knob,  and  Jackson  in  Missouri,  and  Fort 
Jefferson  in  Kentucky.  Its  duties  were  of  the 
same  character  as  those  which  it  performed  so 
well  in  its  first  action.  ^^The  fact  of  principal 
interest,  however,  connected  with  this  part  of 
the  regiment's  history,  was  its  unhealthfulness. 
When  the  command  returned  to  St.  Louis,  in 


MILITARY  RECORD  29 

the  latter  part  of  October,  there  were  only 
about  four  hundred  men  fit  for  duty.  The  sick 
list  was  large  in  every  company.  "'^^ 

Remaining  in  St.  Louis  during  the  winter, 
the  regiment  was  assigned  to  guard  duty  at 
^^ McDowell  College'^,  an  institution  which  was 
used  ''as  a  sort  of  prison''  for  persons  sus- 
pected of  secession  sympathies.  Some  of  the 
specimens  in  the  museum  having  disappeared, 
the  regiment  was  held  responsible.  By  general 
order  the  command  was  publicly  disgraced,  and 
when  it  embarked  for  Fort  Donelson  on  Febru- 
ary 10,  1862,  it  did  so  ''without  music  and  with 
its  colors  furled."  This  disgrace,  whether 
deserved  or  not,  was  soon  wdped  out  by  the 
bravery  manifested  at  Fort  Donelson,  where 
the  Second  Iowa  led  the  famous  charge.^^ 

During  the  year  1861  the  war  had.  not  been 
vigorously  or  skilfully  conducted,  and  conse- 
quently the  Union  arms  had  suffered  during  the 
campaigns.  But  the  successes  in  the  West  in 
1862  more  than  reversed  the  disasters  of  1861. 
The  first  in  importance  of  these  victories  was 
the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson  on  the  Cumber- 
land Eiver  in  Tennessee,  which  opened  the  way 
for  the  passage  of  the  Union  armies  up  the 
Cumberland  and  Tennessee  rivers.  General 
Grant,  who  had  just  captured  Fort  Henry  on 
the  Tennessee  River  only  twelve  miles  away, 
had  twenty-seven  thousand  men,  while  the  gar- 


30  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

rison  of  Fort  Donelson  numbered  twenty-one 
thousand.  ^^The  Federal  superiority  in  num- 
bers was  more  than  balanced  by  the  Confed- 
erate superiority  of  position:  the  fort  itself 
stood  on  a  bluff  one  hundred  feet  above  the 
river,  dominating  also  the  country  to  the  rear, 
while  well-planned  intrenchments  occupied  the 
ridges,  all  approaches  blocked  with  abatis.    .    . 

'^  Operations  against  Donelson  began  with  a 
poor  outlook  for  the  Federals.  The  weather, 
so  mild  at  first  as  to  lead  many  of  the  inexperi- 
enced troops  to  throw  away  their  coats  and 
blankets,  became  cold  and  stormy.  For  a  day 
or  two  Grant's  force  was  distinctly  inferior, 
and  might  have  been  attacked  to  advantage  by 
an  enterprising  foe.  But  his  front  was  bold, 
and  his  reinforcements  arrived  in  time.''  In' 
addition  the  three  Confederate  Generals  — 
Floyd,  Pillow,  and  Buckner  —  were  not  in  har- 
mony, and  no  aggressive  attack  was  made  by 
them  at  a  time  when  it  would  have  been  most 
eifective.^'^ 

The  Second  Iowa  Regiment  was  transported 
by  water  from  St.  Louis  to  Fort  Donelson 
where  it  arrived  on  the  14th  of  February. 
Heavy  skirmishing  had  occurred  on  the  13tli, 
but  the  first  determined  attack  was  not  made 
till  the  next  day  by  the  gunboats  under  Foote. 
Meanwhile  the  army  proceeded  with  the  invest- 
ment, which  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  was 


MILITARY  RECORD  31 

practically  complete.  It  was  early  on  the  15th 
that  Pillow  attacked  the  Union  right  held  by 
General  John  A.  McClernand,  and  after  a 
furious  battle  of  four  hours  the  Union  troops 
were  forced  to  retire;  reenforcements  and  a 
new  supply  of  ammunition  enabled  them  to  re- 
occupy  their  old  position  and  recapture  the 
guns  lost  in  the  morning. 

Meanwhile  General  C.  F.  Smith  held  the 
Union  left.  General  Grant  ordered  him  to  as- 
sault the  fort  in  order  to  retrieve  the  situation 
resulting  from  McClernand 's  retirement.  He 
selected  as  ^^the  storming  party"  the  brigade 
commanded  by  Colonel  J.  G.  Lauman  of  the 
Seventh  Iowa,  which  was  composed  of  the  Sec- 
ond Iowa,  the  Seventh  Iowa,  and  the  Fourteenth 
Iowa,  a  regiment  of  '* western  sharpshooters", 
and  the  Tw^enty-fifth  and  Fifty-second  Indiana 
regiments.  Colonel  J.  M.  Tuttle  with  the  left 
wing  of  the  Second  Iowa  led  the  advance,  and 
his  official  report  describes  the  part  played  by 
that  regiment  in  the  famous  charge  by  which 
victory  was  won  for  the  Federal  arms. 

According  to  this  account  the  Second  Iowa 
on  its  arrival  had  been  assigned  a  position  on 
the  extreme  left  where  it  spent  ^  ^  a  cold  and  dis- 
agreeable night,  without  tents  or  blankets. ' '  It 
remained  in  this  position  until  2  P.  M.  of  the 
next  day  (February  15th)  when  it  received  the 
order  ^'to  storm  the  fortifications  of  the  enemv 


32  JAMES  BAIED  WEAVER 

in  front."  It  proceeded  ^'steadily  up  the  Mil 
.  .  .  .  without  firing  a  gun.  On  reaching 
the  works,  we  found  the  enemy  flying  before  us, 
except  a  few  who  were  promptly  put  to  the 
bayonet.  I  then  gave  the  order  to  fire  which 
was  responded  to  with  fatal  precision  until  the 
right  wing  with  Lieutenant  Colonel  Baker 
arrived,  headed  by  General  Smith,  when  we 
formed  in  line  of  battle  again  under  a  galling 
fire  and  charged  on  the  encampment  across  the 
ravine  in  front,  the  enemy  still  retreating  be- 
fore us.  After  we  had  reached  the  summit  of 
the  hill  beyond  the  ravine,  we  made  a  stand  and 
occupied  it  for  over  an  hour."  Soon  after- 
wards Colonel  Tuttle  retired  because  of  an 
injury,  leaving  Lieutenant  Colonel  Baker  ^4n 
command  until  the  following  morning,  when 
the  enemy  gave  signal  for  a  parley,  which  was 
succeeded  by  the  enjoyable  intelligence  that 
they  had  surrendered  the  fort.  We  w^ere  then 
ordered  by  General  Smith  to  take  the  post  of 
honor,  in  marching  to  the  fort,  where  we  placed 
our  colors  upon  the  battlements  beside  the 
white  flag  of  the  enemy  ^  \ 

The  work  of  the  Second  Iowa  brought  from 
Major  General  H.  W.  Halleck,  department  com- 
mander in  the  West  with  headquarters  at  St. 
Louis,  a  telegram  in  which  he  referred  to  the 
regiment  as  *Hhe  bravest  of  the  brave.  They 
had  the  honor  of  leading  the  column  which 
entered  Fort  Donelson." 


MILITARY  RECORD  33 

A  committee  of  tlie  General  Assembly  of 
Iowa,  then  in  session,  was  sent  to  the  battle- 
field to  care  for  the  wounded ;  and  on  its  return 
to  Des  Moines  it  carried  the  flag  that  had  been 
used  in  the  famous  charge.  The  flag  was  pre- 
sented to  the  House  to  be  hung  near  the  Speak- 
er's desk  till  the  close  of  the  session,  when  it 
was  to  be  turned  over  to  the  State  Historical 
Society  for  permanent  preservation.^^ 

Lieutenant  Weaver  was  with  the  regiment 
throughout  its  service  from  June  13,  1861,  to 
the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson.  He  was  on  rail- 
road guard  duty  in  Missouri  from  June  to 
October  and  in  St.  Louis  from  October  to 
February.  From  October  2nd  to  12th  he  took 
part  in  an  expedition  to  Charleston,  the  na- 
ture of  which  is  not  specially  described.^^  In  a 
letter  to  Mrs.  Weaver,  written  from  Fort  Don- 
elson, February  19,  1862,  he  gives  a  vivid  and 
detailed  account  of  the  part  played  by  the 
Second  Iowa  in  the  assault. 

According  to  Lieutenant  Weaver's  descrip- 
tion the  regiment  landed  four  miles  below  the 
fort  during  the  night  of  the  13th,  and  the  next 
morning  '^bright  and  early  ....  started 
over  the  hills  in  fine  spirits  to  the  scene  of 
bloody  conflict.  We  were  ordered  by  our  Gen- 
eral Smith  to  the  extreme  left  of  the  grand 
army  [which]  encircled  this  indescribable 
stronghold  of  secession.     The  morning  of  the 


34  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

15th  dawned  cold  and  desolate  ....  Early 
.  .  .  .  that  day  the  battle  began  to  rage 
with  great  fury  on  the  right  wing  (though  they 
had  been  fighting  at  intervals  for  nearly  two 
days)  and  lasted  until  about  two  o'clock  when 
Gen'l  Smith  rode  up  to  our  regiment  and  in- 
formed them  that  he  expected  the  left  wing  of 
our  Regiment,  including  our  company,  to 
charge  the  breastworks  of  the  enemy  about 
four  hundred  yards  distant  from  us  in  full 
view.  These  works  were  situated  on  the  brow 
of  a  very  steep  hill  all  over  which  the  enemy 
had  felled  in  wild  confusion,  heavy  timber 
which  had  grown  there.  Several  other  regi- 
ments had  made  the  attempt  to  storm  the  well 
planned  works  of  the  enemy  before  and  had 
failed  with  terrible  loss.  Hence  the  reason  for 
sending  but  half  of  our  regiment.  It  was 
enough  to  sacrifice. 

**Col.  Tuttle  took  charge  of  our  wing  and 
Col.  Baker  the  right  wing  which  was  to  come  to 
our  support  after  we  had  gained  the  works. 
We  were  ordered  not  to  fire  a  gun  until  we  had 
driven  them  from  their  works  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.  The  command  of  ^forward  march' 
was  given,  and  at  quick  time  we  moved  for- 
ward to  the  terrible  slaughter  and  to  a  more 
wonderful  triumph.  Presently  we  came  within 
short  range  of  the  enemy's  trenches  when  they 
opened  upon  us  a  terrible  and  deathly  cross 


MILITARY  RECORD  35 

fire.  All  around  us  and  amongst  us  flew  the 
missiles  of  death  and  all  around  and  on  every 
side  of  me  men  were  falling  in  the  agonies  of 
death  ....  But  on,  on  we  went  without 
firing  a  gun  or  saying  a  word  except  those  of 
cheer  to  our  men  until  we  gained  the  works  and 
then  with  an  awful  yell  we  leaped  into  the 
midst  of  the  enemy  and  here  our  revenge  be- 
gan. And  such  a  holocaust  to  the  demon  of 
battles!  Everywhere  could  be  seen  the  enemy 
falling  in  death  while  ever  and  anon  some  one 
of  our  own  boys  would  lay  down  and  give  up 
the  ghost.  On  we  went  until  we  gained  the 
second  hill.  Our  right  wing  was  now  with  us 
and  we  were  fighting  with  desperation,  but  our 
ammunition  was  about  exhausted  and  we  were 
compelled  to  fall  back  to  the  entrenchment  we 
had  just  taken.  We  came  back  very  slowly  and 
silently.  But  the  enemy  had  got  enough  of  us 
and  did  not  pursue.  When  we  got  there  we 
found  the  7th  and  14th  Iowa,  the  25th  and  52d 
Indiana  Regiments  occupying  the  earthworks 
and  eager  for  the  enemy  to  come  upon  them. 
Here  we  were  ordered  by  Gen'l  Smith  to  form 
our  Regiment  outside  of  the  breastworks  and  to 
lay  under  their  cover  all  night  ready  to  fight  if 
attacked  and  4n  the  morning',  said  he,  ^we  will 
advance  and  drive  them  from  the  next  tier  of 
works  or  lose  every  man  in  my  division'. 

*^We  formed  over  near  those  who  remained 


36  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

and  there  we  lay  without  shelter  or  fire  until 
daylight.  During  the  time  we  looked  around 
for  our  dead  and  wounded  ....  About 
daylight  we  were  supplied  with  ammunition 
and  it  w^as  expected  that  we  were  going  to 
move  forward.  But  the  enemy,  thank  God,  be- 
gan to  ^ sound  the  bugle  for  the  parley',  and 
presently  we  saw  moving  everywhere  white 
flags.  It  was  Sabbath  morning  and  we  sup- 
posed they  wanted  to  bury  their  dead.  But  no, 
it  was  unconditional  surrender.  And  then  such 
a  shouting!  Our  flag  was  moved  from  the 
breastworks,  and  in  a  few  minutes  our  regiment 
was  informed  that  the  General  desired  to  give 
the  2nd  Iowa  the  distinguished  honor  of  mov- 
ing into  the  fort  first  and  of  planting  our  flag 
upon  the  ramparts  of  their  citadel.  Here  I 
wept  like  a  child.  We  marched  in  and  such  a 
sight!  25,000  prisoners  w^ere  there  formed  to 
receive  us.  Voltaire  Twombly,  our  flag  bearer, 
unfurled  our  banner  on  the  walls.  But  I  shall 
have  to  stop.  I  was  struck  on  my  right  arm 
but  it  did  not  hurt  me.  My  cap  was  shot 
through  and  my  head  grazed  but  through  the 
providence  of  God  I  was  saved.  Thank  God! 
Let  us  ever  worship  Him.''-^^ 

An  interesting  letter  from  John  A.  Duck- 
worth, then  second  sergeant  in  Company  G,  to 
the  editor  of  the  ^'home  paper"  at  Bloomfield 
gives  an  account  of  the  same  events.    It  refers 


MILITARY  RECORD  37 

to  Lieutenant  Weaver  during  the  assault  as 
passing  "quickly  from  right  to  left,  reminding 
us  of  our  duty,  and  charging  us  to  ^keep  cooP  ^\ 
Of  incidents  it  mentions  Colonel  Baker  and 
Lieutenant  Weaver  as  each  receiving  a  ball 
through  their  caps.^^  Colonel  Tuttle,  in  his 
official  report,  refers  to  Weaver  and  eight  other 
lieutenants  by  name  as  deporting  ''themselves 
nobly  throughout  the  engagement. ''^- 

''Of  the  six  hundred  and  thirty  officers  and 
men  who  formed  the  storming  party,  being  all 
of  the  regiment  fit  for  duty  at  the  time '  \  thirty- 
three  were  killed  and  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
four  were  wounded.  The  losses  of  the  Second 
Iowa  were  higher  by  more  than  one  hundred 
percent  than  those  of  the  regiment  standing 
next  in  number  of  casualties,  the  Twenty-fifth 
Indiana.  From  Company  G  the  losses  were  six 
killed  and  twenty-two  wounded.-*^-^ 

General  Grant  believed  that  in  the  confusion 
following  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson  a  good 
leader,  well  supported  by  the  united  Union 
forces  in  the  West  ''could  have  marched  to 
Chattanooga,  Corinth,  Memphis,  and  Vicks- 
burg".  The  Union  armies,  however,  were  not 
united,  and  General  Halleck  seems  to  have  been 
suspicious  and  jealous  of  Grant,  with  the  result 
that  the  victory  was  not  immediately  followed 
up.  After  a  costly  delay,  which  had  given  the 
Confederates  time  to  rallv  from  the  confusion 


38  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

that  followed  the  unexpected  defeat,  the  Union 
troops  moved  up  the  Tennessee  to  attack  ^'the 
strategic  points  on  the  Mississippi  and  Ala- 
bama frontiers".  At  the  end  of  March  it 
appears  that  Grant  had  about  33,000  men  '^at 
and  near  Pittsburg  Landing",  while  twenty 
miles  distant  Johnston  and  Beauregard  occu- 
pied Corinth  with  40,000  troops.  Buell  with 
about  30,000  was  marching  to  join  Grant. 
Would  the  Confederate  General  attack  before 
the  two  Union  armies  united  P^ 

The  Second  Iowa  remained  nearly  a  month 
in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Donelson,  and  then 
embarked  for  Pittsburg  Landing  where  it  ar- 
rived on  the  19th  of  March.  The  men  encamped 
about  one  mile  from  the  landing  and  remained 
there  in  quiet  till  Sunday  morning,  April  6th, 
when  it  took  part  in  the  Battle  of  Shiloh  which 
lasted  during  that  day  and  the  next.^^ 

This  battle  was  the  result  of  an  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  Confederate  generals  to  redeem 
the  losses  due  to  the  fall  of  Donelson.  Believ- 
ing that  no  offensive  would  be  taken  by  his 
opponents  so  soon  after  their  defeat.  Grant 
neglected  defensive  measures  and  thus  exposed 
himself  to  attack.  The  Confederate  army  left 
Corinth  on  April  3rd,  but  stormy  weather  and 
bad  roads  caused  the  delay  of  the  attack 
planned  for  April  5th  to  the  next  day.  During 
the   afternoon   of  the   same  day  the   advance 


MILITARY  RECORD  39 

guard  of  Buell's  army  arrived  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, but  did  not  push  on  to  Pittsburg  Landing 
since  Grant  did  not  anticipate  a  fight  at  that 
point.  The  result  was  that  the  first  day's 
battle  witnessed  40,000  Confederate  troops 
confronting  33,000  Union  troops. 

The  contest  on  the  first  day  continued  twelve 
hours  and  was  a  Confederate  victory.  Never- 
theless the  outcome  w^as  a  disappointment  since 
the  plan  was  to  capture  the  Union  army,  or  at 
least  to  drive  it  from  the  field  in  complete  con- 
fusion. On  the  next  day  the  Confederates  had 
to  meet  the  fresh  troops  of  Buell  who  had 
arrived  late  on  Sunday,  April  6th.  At  two 
o'clock,  after  eight  hours  of  fighting,  the  Con- 
federate commander  gave  the  order  to  retire, 
and  this  was  accomplished  in  good  order;  no 
effective  pursuit  was  made  by  the  Union 
forces.^^ 

It  was  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Baker  that  the  Second  Iowa  partici- 
pated in  the  Battle  of  Shiloh,  since  Colonel 
Tuttle,  having  won  the  rank  of  Brigadier 
General  at  Donelson,  had  been  placed  in  com- 
mand of  a  brigade  composed  of  the  Second, 
Seventh,  Twelfth,  and  Fourteenth  Iowa  In- 
fantry. During  the  first  day's  battle  it  formed 
part  of  the  Second  Division,  commanded  by 
General  W.  H.  L.  Wallace.  Beginning  early 
that  day  the  enemy  made  repeated  attacks  for 


40  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

about  six  hours.  By  that  time  the  troops  on 
each  side  had  given  way  so  as  to  give  the  enemy 
an  opportunity  to  turn  both  flanks,  and  conse- 
quently General  Wallace  gave  orders  for  the 
whole  brigade  to  fall  back.  "The  Second  and 
Seventh  retired  through  a  severe  fire  from  both 
flanks,  and  reformed,  while  the  Twelfth  and 
Fourteenth  ....  delayed  by  their  en- 
deavors to  save  a  battery  which  had  been  placed 
in  their  rear,  were  completely  surrounded  and 
compelled  to  surrender." 

The  two  regiments  that  had  escaped  capture 
formed,  along  with  fragments  of  other  regi- 
ments, "an  important  part  of  the  line  of  last 
resistance  at  Shiloh  on  the  6th  of  April,  and 
again  the  regiment  occupied  a  post  of  honor. 
On  Monday,  the  7th,  the  Second  low^a  was 
placed  under  the  orders  of  General  Nelson 
[General  Wallace  was  killed  April  6tli]  and 
made  a  bayonet  charge  in  a  most  gallant  man- 
ner, the  enemy  giving  way  before  them.  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  the  regiment  well  sustained 
at  Shiloh  the  record  it  had  made  at  Donelson.'^ 
The  entire  loss  of  the  Second  Iowa  was  between 
seventy  and  eighty  men.'^^ 

Lieutenant  Weaver  described  the  battle  in  a 
letter  written  to  his  wife  on  April  9,  1862.  In 
this  account  he  stated  that  "the  enemy  under 
Beauregard,  one  hundred  thousand  strong, 
made  a  most  vigorous  attack     ....     Our 


MILITARY  RECORD  41 

force  was  somewhat  surprised  but  from  6 
o'clock  A.  M.  until  dark,  the  battle  raged  all 
along  our  lines  (hve  miles  in  length)  with  the 
greatest  fury.  Buell  had  not  yet  reached  us. 
The  enemy  greatly  outnumbered  us  and  the 
slaughter  was  of  the  most  horrid  character  and 
magnitude  on  both  sides.  The  enemy  had 
driven  us  slowly  back  during  the  entire  day, 
though  our  men  contested  every  inch  of  ground 
they  passed  over  with  a  zeal  worthy  the  highest 
admiration.  Nothing  could  be  heard  during  the 
entire  day  but  a  continuous  roar  of  artillery 
and  musketry.  About  sun  down  we  succeeded 
in  checking  the  enemy's  advance  and  after  a 
most  awful  battle  between  our  artillery  and  that 
of  the  enemy  in  which  we  fearfully  worsted 
them,  the  battle  closed  for  the  day,  both  armies 
lying  within  gun  shot  of  each  other.  During 
the  night  Buell's  force  came  up  and  formed  in 
our  front  in  a  masterly  manner  all  along  the 
lines.  At  daylight  we  made  an  attack  upon  the 
enemy  ....  Then  came  on  the  bitterest 
contest  ever  witnessed  on  this  continent.  But 
the  enemy  could  not  stand.  At  4  o'clock  P.  M. 
we  had  him  completely  whipped  and  driven 
pell  mell  in  perfect  rout.  The  day  is  over,  thank 
God,  and  the  entire  rebel  army  in  the  West 
badly,  fearfully,  routed  and  all  cut  to  pieces 
and  completely  demolished.  We  captured 
nearly  all  their   artillery   and   small   arms   in 


42  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

great  quantity.  The  enemy  retreated  in  per- 
fect disorder,  throwing  away  all  they  had. 
Eeport  from  our  headquarters  says  that 
Mitchel  with  about  40,000  men  has  taken 
Corinth  with  about  13,000  prisoners.  All  is 
ours.  No  more  fighting  in  this  woods  for  us  of 
any  consequence.  Company  *G'  had  nobody 
killed.  Wounded,  Capt.  Moore,  severely,  in 
both  legs,  not  dangerous  ....  The  bal- 
ance of  the  company  are  all  safe.  Our  wounded 
are  getting  along  well  and  are  not  in  the  least 
danger.     .     .     . 

^ '  We  had  killed  and  wounded  about  8,000,  the 
enemy  about  10,000.  The  field  is  covered  with 
dead  for  miles  in  length  and  breadth.  I  do  not 
pretend  to  state  the  precise  number  of  killed  or 
wounded  on  either  side,  although  the  enemy 
suffered  vastly  more  than  our  forces.     .     .     . 

^^Our  regiment  did  not  suffer  very  badly, 
although  they  have  suffered  enough  God  knows. 
We  had  72  w^ounded  and  7  killed,  5  missing.  We 
had  five  captains  and  lieutenants  wounded, 
none  killed.  The  12th  and  14th  Iowa  were  most 
all  taken  prisoners  the  first  day  and  are  yet  in 
their  hands.  .  .  .  Have  not  got  any  pay 
yet.  Col.  B.  is  safe  ....  On  the  battle- 
field just  before  our  regiment  became  engaged 
I  took  out  the  little  testament  you  gave  me  and 
read  a  psalm.    It  did  me  good.' '^^ 

After  the  battle  of  Shiloh  it  appears  that 


MILITARY  RECORD  43 

General  Halleck  assumed  personal  command  of 
the  main  army  at  Pittsburg  Landing  and  began 
^^with  pick  and  spade"  a  slow  advance  upon 
Corinth.  Beauregard  with  greatly  inferior 
forces  held  him  at  bay  for  a  long  time  and 
finally  left  ^'only  the  shell  of  his  camp." 
Corinth  was  occupied  by  the  Union  armies  on 
May  30th,  and  Halleck  was  called  to  Washing- 
ton in  July  to  become  general-in-chief,  leaving 
the  Western  forces  in  charge  of  Buell  and 
Grant. 

The  Federal  armies  now  dominated  a  vast 
area,  including  Kentucky,  most  of  Tennessee,  a 
section  of  Alabama,  and  a  smaller  portion  of 
Mississippi;  *^but  the  population  was  hostile; 
the  lines  of  communication  ran  through  long, 
unfriendly  distances  from  Louisville,  the  far- 
away base  on  the  Ohio  River  ....  The 
inhabitants  showed  their  hostility  by  communi- 
cating misleading  intelligence,  by  cutting  off 
stragglers  and  small  detachments,  by  swooping 
down  in  guerilla  bands  even  upon  heavy  col- 
umns drawn  out  in  a  long  march. ' ' 

In  September  Grant  sent  to  Buell  two  divi- 
sions to  aid  in  the  defeat  of  the  Confederate 
invasion  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee;  ''he  still 
had  forty-six  thousand  men  in  the  two  armies 
of  the  Tennessee  and  Mississippi,  but  they 
were  much  scattered,  guarding  posts  and  com- 
munications in  a  hostile  country. ' '    There  were 


44  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

considerable  Confederate  forces  in  and  near 
Vicksburg;  and  Memphis,  "an  unfriendly 
city'^  must  be  held  ''as  the  base  to  which  trans- 
ports brought"  supplies.  The  Army  of  the 
Mississippi  lay  at  Corinth  with  23,000  men 
under  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans.  Most  of  the 
active  work  of  dealing  with  the  Confederates 
fell  to  Rosecrans  during  this  period.  On  Sep- 
tember 19th  at  luka,  Alabama,  a  fight  occurred 
between  the  Federal  forces  and  a  part  of  the 
Confederate  army.  Early  in  October  the  com- 
bined forces  of  the  enemy  attacked  Rosecrans 
at  Corinth  —  the  opposing  armies  being  about 
equal  in  strength.  The  fight  continued  for  two 
days,  October  3rd  and  4th,  when  the  Confed- 
erates were  allowed  to  retire  without  effective 
pursuit.^^ 

The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  remained  in  camp 
near  Pittsburg  Landing  till  the  campaign 
against  Corinth  began.  Its  record  during  this 
period  was  devoid  of  notewortliy  incidents.  It 
joined  in  the  pursuit  of  the  Confederate  army 
after  the  evacuation  of  Corinth,  which  involved 
several  days  of  hard  marching.  Afterwards  it 
went  into  camp  near  Corinth.  The  next  oper- 
ation of  any  importance  by  the  Second  Iowa 
was  a  march  to  luka ;  but  the  men  did  not  take 
part  in  the  battle  there  on  September  19th. 
During  this  period  Colonel  Tuttle  had  been 
made  a  brigadier-general,  Lieutenant  Colonel 


MILITARY  RECORD  45 

James  Baker  had  become  colonel,  and  Lieuten- 
ant Weaver  had  been  promoted  to  major,  on 
the  eve  of  the  battle  of  Corinth.^'^ 

The  circumstances  under  which  Lieutenant 
Weaver  received  his  commission  as  major  were 
described  by  him  to  his  son  only  a  week  or  ten 
days  before  his  death.  He  was  ^'in  charge  of 
the  outside  guard  on  the  picket  line  on  the 
evening  of  October  2,  1862.  While  thus  en- 
gaged Col.  Baker  ....  rode  up  to  Lieut. 
Weaver  and  said  to  him,  'Lieutenant,  you  are 
placed  under  arrest.  ^  ....  he  saluted  the 
Colonel,  drew  his  sword  and  reversing  it, 
handed  it  to  the  Colonel,  at  the  same  time  say- 
ing, 'what  does  this  mean!'  Col.  Baker  then 
drew  from  his  pocket  a  paper  which  he  handed 
to  Weaver.  On  being  opened  it  proved  to  be 
his  commission  as  Major  of  the  Eegiment. 
Col.  Baker  then  said  to  Weaver  'I  had  this 
done  because  I  know  that  if  anything  happens 
to  your  superior  officers  I  can  depend  upon  you 
to  take  care  of  the  Regiment \''  The  commis- 
sion as  major  was  dated  July  25,  1862.^^ 

From  a  different  angle  John  M.  Duffield, 
captain  of  Company  G  from  which  Weaver  was 
promoted,  gives  a  more  detailed  account  of  the 
circumstances  of  his  promotion  and  also  of  his 
later  appointment  as  colonel  of  the  regiment. 
*'0n  the  2nd  day  of  October '',  writes  Duffield, 
*'as  well  as  I  remember,  the  word  came  to  the 


46  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

camp  that  Lieutenant  Weaver  had  been  com- 
missioned Major  of  the  regiment,  and  that  I 
was  ordered  to  relieve  him.  He  was  then  in 
charge  of  the  outside  guard,  and  I  was  ordered 
to  go  and  relieve  him,  and  take  his  place  in 
command  of  the  guard.  The  next  morning 
when  I  returned  to  camp,  I  saw  there  was  great 
dissatisfaction  among  the  line  officers  because 
of  a  Lieutenant  having  been  promoted  to  Major 
over  all  of  the  Captains  of  the  Regiment. 

^ '  This  feeling  seemed  to  exist  until  the  battle 
of  Corinth  which  took  place  on  the  3d.  day  of 
October.  On  that  day  Colonel  Baker  was  mor- 
tally wounded,  on  the  4th  day  of  October 
Lieutenant  [Colonel]  Mills  was  mortally 
wounded,  and  the  command  devolved  on  Major 
Weaver  who  had  only  two  days  before  that 
been  First  Lieutenant,  and  had  never  been  in 
command  of  a  regiment,  or  maneuvered  a  regi- 
ment. Major  Weaver  seemed  to  realize  the 
responsibility  that  rested  upon  him,  and  dis- 
played the  greatest  courage  in  directing  his 
men,  in  keeping  close  to  the  line  of  battle,  and 
encouraging  his  men  to  advance  on  the  enemy. 
When  we  had  driven  the  enemy  from  the  field, 
a  reenforcement  of  the  enemy  under  Colonel 
Johnson  of  the  18th  Arkansas  advanced  on  us. 
Major  Weaver  rode  up  and  down  the  line  wav- 
ing his  revolver  over  his  head,  and  calling  upon 
the  men  to  bring  the  enemy's  colors  down,  and 


*# 


'^^Hk2. 


^tIi 


JAMES  BAM 

up  that  Lieutenant^:  \  eom- 

-i«med  Major  of  t|e  regiment,  ani   that  I 

rderod  to  reliev^  Mm.     He  wa>  '?i 

«..^c  of  the  'M'f--^-  --^a^d,  ar  -  ^    -  -  1 

go  and  It  _    ^d  ta  ^a 

mmand   of  the   gu^d-^    The   ii  ning 

aw  the  it-  was  great 

=.c.v,.v^..  «.!..,  ine  officers  because 

!  ieutenant  ^av*     .         .  promoted  f^>  Major 

v-r  all  of  t)  u§s  of  the  Re 

"^  is  feeling  ^  to  exist  m>' 

^'nih  whici.  .^.v..  jjlace  on  ^'  .f 

.  that  day  Colonel  i     ■  v- 

mded,  4th   day    of    October 

it     [Co  Mills     was     mortally 

'-d  thi.  ......,../ -'"J  -1...-..U-0.7  ...  -\f.;... 

had  only 

inantj  n 

■    or  nianeavered  a  regi- 

,,     ,         ...Mr.  ,./i   to  realize  the 

that  i  him,  and  dis- 

iest  (^uPage  in  directing  his 

^^'   file  line  of  battle,  and 


Ma,.,..    ..  :,:: 

ing  his  ri  ju 

the  men  to  br  .  and 


MILITARY  RECORD  47 

every  time  that  lie  shouted  ....  he  fired  at 
the  man  carrying  the  colors  with  his  own  re- 
volver. When  the  sergeant  carrying  the  colors 
fell,  the  enemy  fled,  and  Major  Weaver  was  the 
only  man  I  saw  in  that  charge  on  horseback; 
all  the  other  officers  had  dismounted.  After- 
wards, when  I  was  asked  who  that  young  officer 
was  that  so  gallantly  rode  up  and  down  the  line 
encouraging  his  men,  I  told  them  it  was  Major 
Weaver  who  had  only  two  days  before  been 
promoted  from  the  First  Lieutenancy  from  the 
company  which  I  commanded  in  that  battle. 
The  man  who  asked  me  the  question,  then  re- 
marked, that  that  was  one  of  the  bravest  men 
he  ever  saw. 

''Ten  days  after  that  battle  the  line  officers 
met  together  to  recommend  someone  for  Col- 
onel of  the  Regiment,  and  I  believe  that  General 
Weaver  received  the  vote  of  every  officer  .  . 
.  .  for  Colonel,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  his 
bravery  in  that  battle  was  what  removed  the 
prejudice  that  seemed  to  exist  by  reason  of  his 
having  been  promoted  over  other  officers  a  few 
days  before. ''^2 

The  official  report  of  the  part  taken  by  the 
Second  Infantry  in  the  battle  of  Corinth  was 
made  by  Major  Weaver.  According  to  his 
account  the  regiment  went  into  the  engagement 
''with  three  field,  two  staff,  and  twenty-one  line 
officers,   and  three  hundred  and  twenty  men. 


48  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

making  an  aggregate  of  three  hundred  and 
forty-six.  In  the  first  day's  battle  near  White 
House,  which  was  most  stubbornly  contested, 
the  loss  of  the  regiment  was  very  heavy,  par- 
ticularly in  officers  ....  an  aggregate 
of  forty-two  killed,  wounded  and  missing  in  the 
first  day's  engagement  ....  total  killed, 
wounded  and  missing  in  both  days '  engagement, 
108.     ... 

*' Colonel  Baker  fell  mortally  wounded  on  the 
first  day,  at  the  very  time  his  regiment  was 
charging  on  the  retreating  enemy  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm  and  fury.  He  remarked  as 
he  was  being  borne  from  the  field,  ^  Thank  God 
when  I  fell  my  regiment  was  victoriously 
charging'.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mills  was 
wounded  in  the  second  day's  engagement,  while 
fighting  with  the  most  conspicuous  courage  and 
coolness  ....  Colonel  Baker  expired  on 
the  morning  of  the  7th  at  11  o'clock  and  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Mills  on  the  12th  at  7  o'clock 
.  .  .  .  After  the  fall  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Mills,  ....  the  command  devolved  upon 
myself.  "^^ 

Two  letters  to  his  wife  written  by  Major 
Weaver  from  Corinth  and  dated  October  6th 
and  12th  supplement  his  official  report.  In  one 
he  writes  that  he  assumed  '^command  in  the 
forenoon  of  the  2nd  day  of  the  fight  and  took 
the  Kegiment  triumphantly  through".     In  the 


MILITARY  RECORD  49 

other  letter  he  refers  to  the  death  of  Colonel 
Baker  and  indulges  in  some  reflections  natur- 
ally produced  by  the  experiences  through  which 
he  had  been  passing.  His  deeply  religious 
nature  is  clearly  displayed  in  this  letter.^^ 

After  Corinth  the  Second  Iowa,  now  reduced 
in  numbers  by  heavy  losses,  continued  in  ser- 
vice in  Tennessee,  Alabama,  and  Georgia, 
during  the  fall  and  winter  of  1862  and  the  spring 
and  early  summer  of  1863.  For  a  whole  year  it 
participated  in  no  general  engagement,  but 
formed  part  of  the  forces  under  General  G.  M. 
Dodge,  which  indirectly  assisted  General  Grant 
in  his  campaign  against  Vicksburg  by  *' keeping 
open  communications  between  Middle  and  West 
Tennessee,  in  preventing  raids,  and  in  many 
other  ways''.  In  the  summer  of  1863  the  en- 
campment was  moved  to  Lagrange,  Tennessee, 
and  late  in  October  to  Pulaski  where  it  went 
into  winter  quarters.*^ 

From  Pulaski  the  regiment  started  upon  its 
last  great  campaign,  that  of  Atlanta.  It  left 
Pulaski  on  April  29,  1864,  and  on  May  9th 
began  skirmishing  with  the  enemy  in  Georgia. 
From  that  date  till  the  fall  of  Atlanta  in  Sep- 
tember it  was  almost  constantly  ^^  within  the 
sound  of  skirmish  or  battle".  On  May  14th 
and  15th  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Weaver 
it  took  part  in  the  fighting  which  accompanied 
the    crossing   of   the    Oostanaula    River   near 


50  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Resaca,  Georgia.  ''The  regiment  was  the  first 
one  thrown  across  the  river  after  the  pontoons 
were  laid,  and  ....  by  threatening  the 
enemy's  communications,  caused  Eesaca  to  be 
evacuated."  This  was  the  last  enterprise  in 
w^hich  Colonel  Weaver  commanded,  as  his  three 
year  term  of  enlistment  expired  May  28,  1864, 
when  upon  being  mustered  out  he  returned  to 
Bloomfield.4« 

After  the  fall  of  Atlanta  the  regiment  joined 
in* the  march  to  the  sea,  during  which  it  "had 
little  fighting,  except  ....  when  General 
Rice  crossed  the  Ogeechee  River  in  face  of  the 
enemy  and  had  a  brisk  engagement,  in  which 
the  Confederates  were  quickly  and  handsomely 
whipped  with  considerable  loss.  The  Second 
lost  two  men  slain  and  as  many  wounded  in 
this  brilliant  affair.  A  fortnight  afterwards 
the  grand  army  entered  Savannah  in  triumph. '^ 
Late  in  January,  1865,  after  about  a  month 
spent  in  the  city,  the  march  northward  began. 
The  last  battles  of  the  regiment  were  fought 
near  Columbia  and  Lynch 's  Creek,  South  Caro- 
lina, in  February.  At  the  latter  place  "many 
of  the  men  fought  in  their  'birth-day  suits', 
having  stripped  to  cross  the  stream",  and  en- 
countering the  enemy's  cavalry  before  com- 
pleting the  crossing.  At  Bentonville,  the  last 
of  General  Sherman's  engagements,  the  regi- 
ment was  in  the  reserves. 


MILITARY  RECORD  51 

The  Second  Infantry  marched  by  Goldsboro, 
Raleigh,  Petersburg,  and  Richmond  to  Wash- 
ington where  it  took  part  in  the  grand  review 
in  May,  1865.  Remaining  in  camp  near  the  city 
till  early  in  June,  it  then  proceeded  to  Louis- 
ville, Kentucky,  where  it  was  mustered  out  of 
service  on  July  12th.  From  Louisville  the 
regiment  moved  to  Davenport  "where  it  was 
received  by  the  citizens  en  masse,  and  wel- 
comed back  to  the  State  by  the  Hon.  Hiram 
Price,  Representative  in  Congress.  Colonel 
Howard  responded  briefly,  and  the  regiment 
marched  to  camp  for  the  last  time,  and  was 
soon  finally  disbanded."*'^ 

Colonel  Weaver  had  been  mustered  out  May 
27,  1864,  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  enlist- 
ment, and  honorably  discharged  from  service. 
Consequently  he  had  no  part  in  the  later 
activities  of  the  Second  Iowa  around  Atlanta 
and  on  the  march  northward.  He  returned  to 
Bloomfield  and  entered  actively  upon  the  prac- 
tice of  his  profession.  His  military  experiences 
"made  a  deep  impression  upon  his  character. 
He  ever  remained  a  warm  defender  of  those 
who  had  taken  part  in  defending  the  Union  and 
both  in  public  and  private  life  remained  loyal 
to  his  comrades. '^  He  was  "brevetted  Briga- 
dier General  United  States  Volunteers,  March 
13,  1865,  ^for  gallant  and  meritorious  services 
and  conduct  on  the  field  of  battle  ^"'^^ 


52  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Captain  A.  A.  Stuart,  in  his  volume  on  Iowa 
Colonels  and  Regiments ,  describes  Weaver  ^'as 
a  good  and  brave  officer",  and  adds  that  ^^ there 
are  few  who  were  as  cool  as  he  in  battle.  At 
Shiloh,  while  the  2d  and  7th  Iowa  were  running 
that  terrible  gauntlet,  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
first  day's  fight.  Captain  Moore,  of  company 
G,  was  shot  through  both  legs  and  disabled. 
Lieutenant  Weaver  stopped,  picked  him  up,  and 
bore  him  from  the  field.  Under  the  circum- 
stances, not  one  man  in  five  thousand  would 
have  imitated  his  example.  He  is  a  member  of 
the  Methodist  Church,  and  is  one  of  the  few 
officers  who  abstained  from  the  use  of  liquor  in 
the  service. ''^^ 


IV 

Commander  of  the  Post  at  Pulaski 

As  has  been  stated  the  Second  Iowa  Infantry 
was  stationed  at  Pulaski,  Tennessee,  from 
November,  1863,  to  April,  1864,  during  which 
time  Colonel  Weaver  ^^was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  the  post  at  Pulaski  by  order  of 
Gen.  G.  M.  Dodge,  commander  of  the  left  wing 
of  the  16th  army  corps.  .  .  .  Gen.  Dodge 
issued  an  order  and  made  it  public,  in  which  he 
stated  that  his  army  was  in  need  of  supplies  of 
every  kind,  and  that  if  the  people  would  bring 
in  supplies,  vouchers  would  be  rendered  for  the 
same  without  making  any  inquiries  as  to  the 
loyalty  or  disloyalty  of  the  parties.  The  people 
brought  in  their  supplies  and  vouchers  were 
given,  and  they  were  all  paid  by  the  assistant 
commissary  general,  Cyrus  C.  Carpenter. 

*^  During  my  administration  as  commander 
of  the  posf ,  reads  the  Weaver  statement,  *^a 
large  number  of  refugees  came  within  our 
lines.  They  came  from  the  Confederate  army 
in  Alabama  and  elsewhere.  They  were  totally 
without  supplies  and  destitute,  and  at  that  time 
they  could  not  be  allowed  to  depart  without 
restraint.     Gen.  Dodge  issued  an  order  com- 

53 


54  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

manding  me  [Weaver]  to  make  a  levy  of  $2000, 
as  I  now  remember,  from  wealthy  citizens  living 
in  the  vicinity,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  for 
supplies  necessary  for  the  sustenance  of  these 
refugees.  In  obedience  to  that  order  I  issued 
an  order  reciting  the  authority  under  which  I 
was  acting,  and  served  it  upon  certain  parties 
.  .  .  .  The  money  collected  was  paid  direct 
to  Col.  Cyrus  C.  Carpenter,  assistant  commis- 
sary general  ....  and  did  not  pass 
through  my  hands,  if  I  remember  correctly, 
and  the  wants  of  the  refugees  were  supplied. 
In  no  event  was  one  cent  retained  by  myself 

^^I  did  not  dispossess  any  one  of  their  dwell- 
ing houses  and  appropriate  the  same  for  officers 
quarters  during  my  stay  in  Pulaski.  My  head- 
quarters were  in  the  Court  House  and  I  boarded 
with  a  private  family,  that  of  Mrs.  Ballentyne. 
The  officers  of  my  regiment  lived  in  their  tents 
in  line  with  their  respective  companies.  The 
several  divisions,  brigades  and  regiments  en- 
camped at  Pulaski  were  not  under  my  author- 
ity —  not  even  my  own  regiment  —  while  I  was 
in  command  of  the  post  ....  My  associ- 
ation with  the  people  was  as  peaceful  and 
fraternal  as  possible  during  the  existence  of 
hostilities,  and  remarkably  so  in  all  that  region 
of  the  country.  "^^ 

The  foregoing  statement  made  by  Colonel 


COMMANDER  AT  PULASKI  55 

Weaver  was  in  reply  to  charges  of  cruelty  and 
oppression  directed  at  him  by  political  oppo- 
nents during  the  campaign  of  1892.  His  speech- 
making  tour  in  the  South  was  disturbed  by 
threats  of  violence,  and  he  was  compelled  to 
give  up  his  appointments  in  Georgia  where 
systematic  opposition  was  encountered.  The 
basis  of  this  hostility  was  a  revival  of  sectional 
feeling  aimed  at  a  political  candidate  who 
threatened  to  weaken  the  dominant  party  con- 
trol in  the  South.  Its  spirit  was  shown  by  the 
remark  of  one  of  the  residents  of  Pulaski  who, 
addressing  a  reporter  sent  to  investigate  the 
charges,  referred  to  Weaver  as  that  **  darned 
Yankee  Colonel.  "^^ 

In  a  letter  addressed  to  Weaver  at  the  time, 
General  Dodge  declared  that  ^'twenty-five  or 
thirty  years  after  the  war  they  propose  to 
punish  in  the  South  a  good  soldier,  which  you 
were,  for  simply  obeying  orders  from  a  supe- 
rior officer;  it  does  not  make  any  difference  to 
me  w^hether  the  orders  were  good  or  bad  or 
cruel.  It  is  a  very  singular  thing  because  a 
soldier  obeyed  an  order  in  the  Federal  army  he 
should  be  denounced  in  the  South  where  their 
orders  were  far  more  strict  than  ours. 

''Then,  again,  it  is  very  singular  to  me  that 
Giles  County,  Tennessee,  should  object  to  any 
order,  because,  as  you  know  I  commanded  there. 
I  did  not  force  the  oath  upon  any  person.     I 


56  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

said  to  those  people  —  knowing  them  to  be  all 
in  sympathy  with  the  South  —  that  if  they 
would  send  in  to  our  different  posts  what  they 
had  to  sell  we  would  buy  it  from  them,  but  if  we 
went  after  it  we  would  not  pay  for  it. 

^^Now,  the  refugee  order  was  an  order  from 
General  Sherman  to  me  and  I  gave  it  to  you. 
General  Sherman  planted  himself  upon  the 
ground  that  these  were  their  own  people.  And 
if  because  they  were  Union  people  they  forced 
them  out  of  their  line  into  ours,  that  the  Rebels 
in  our  lines  should  take  care  of  them. ' '  ^^ 

Another  account  of  Colonel  Weaver's  con- 
duct as  commander  of  the  post  at  Pulaski  was 
by  a  resident  of  the  place  written  twenty-eight 
years  later  in  reply  to  an  inquiry  by  the  editor 
of  the  The  Weekly  Toiler  of  Nashville,  Ten- 
nessee. The  writer  referred  to  Colonel  Weaver 
*^as  a  Christian  gentleman''  whom  he  had 
known  well,  as  his  tent  had  been  on  his  *^  prem- 
ises, within  sixty  feet  of  my  dwelling  house,  for 
one  whole  winter.  His  tent  was  his  head- 
quarters until  he  was  ordered  to  the  court- 
house, which  was  in  full  view,  to  take  command 
of  the  post,  which  duty  he  performed  until  his 
regiment  was  ordered  to  Chattanooga.  He  was 
commander  of  the  post  say  about  half  the 
winter  of  1863-4,  but  his  tent  was  not  taken 
down  until  he  made  his  final  move.     .     .     . 

^^I  had  built  my  house  in  the  edge  of  a  grove 


COMMANDER  AT  PULASKI  57 

of  tall  trees,  the  nearest  grove  to  the  town  of 
Pulaski,  looking  to  the  eastward.  It  was  a 
grand  grove  and  I  felt  proud  of  it.  On  the 
evening  of  the  day  that  the  2d  Iowa  took  pos- 
session of  and  encamped  in  my  grove  I  sought 
Col.  Weaver  and  plead  for  my  grove,  telling 
him  that  I  had  been  raised  in  the  country 
amongst  the  trees,  and  had  it  not  been  for  that 
grove  I  should  not  have  remained  in  the  coun- 
try; and  more  than  that,  that  I  intended  to 
preserve  it  for  the  benefit  of  others  as  well  as 
for  myself.  Just  at  that  moment  I  spied  some 
soldiers  passing,  each  with  a  couple  of  fence 
rails  on  his  shoulder.  I  remarked  if  my  fences 
are  burned  they  can  be  replaced  but  if  this 
grove  is  destroyed  I  can  not  live  long  enough  to 
grow  another.  Col.  Weaver  straightened  him- 
self to  his  full  heighth  and  declared  with 
emphasis,  *It  shall  not  be  cut'  .  .  .  .He 
did  not  go  back  on  his  word.  He  gave  me  to 
understand  that  he  did  not  make  war  upon  the 
citizen.  * '  ^^ 

A  reporter  for  The  Weekly  Toiler  also  inter- 
viewed Mr.  A.  J.  Ballentine,  a  prominent  citizen 
of  Pulaski,  with  whose  mother  Colonel  Weaver 
boarded  during  his  stay  in  that  town.  His 
reply  to  a  question  for  information  ^^  about  this 
rascal  Weaver''  was  a  vigorous  one.  *^ Young 
man,  if  you  want  to  hear  anything  in  the  way 
of  abuse   of   Gen.   Weaver  never   come   to   a 


58  JAMES  BAIRD  AVEAVER 

Ballentine  after  it.  As  for  me,  I  never  saw 
Gen.  Weaver,  and  was  opposed  to  him  during 
the  w^ar  and  am  against  him  now  [1892].  With 
all  that,  I  can  never  say  a  word  against  a  man 
who  protected  my  mother  and  sister  as  Gen. 
Weaver  did  while  he  boarded  with  them.  He 
knew  that  my  mother  had  four  sons  in  the  Con- 
federate army,  yet  he  treated  her  with  the 
greatest  respect.  I  was  in  the  army  at  the  time 
and  know  nothing  of  Weaver,  as  an  officer  or  as 
a  gentleman.  All  I  know  is  that  mother  said 
he  was  a  gentleman,  and  a  kind-hearted,  brave 
soldier.  So,  you  see,  young  man,  when  my 
mother  (she's  been  dead  two  years  now)  tells 
me  that  this  man  was  a  nice  man,  it  is  hard  for 
me  to  believe  otherwise.  I  remember  one  morn- 
ing after  the  close  of  the  war  that  she  asked  me 
to  see  after  some  papers  she  had.  They  proved 
to  be  vouchers  for  supplies  given  to  Weaver. 
I  took  them  very  reluctantly  and  told  her  she 
w^ould  never  realize  anything  on  them.  A  few 
weeks  later  she  asked  me  about  them,  and  I  con- 
fessed that  I  thought  so  little  about  them  that 
I  had  lost  them  down  at  the  store.  Gen. 
Weaver,  however,  came  to  the  rescue,  and  tried 
to  get  the  money  for  us.  My  brother  was  with 
the  general  in  congress  and  I  have  heard  him 
speak  of  Weaver  often.  ^'^^ 


Defending  the  Home  Country 

Iowa,  like  all  States  near  the  boundary  between 
slave  and  free  territory,  suffered  from  disturb- 
ances caused  by  sympathizers  with  the  South. 
So-called  Copperheads  opposed  the  war  and 
urged  peace  much  as  do  the  pacifists  of  the 
present.  Under  the  mask  of  opposition  to  the 
war,  ^'Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  draft 
evaders,  deserters",  and  other  more  disrepu- 
table characters  committed  all  sorts  of  out- 
rages, not  even  stopping  short  of  murder.  The 
first  open  violence  occurred  in  Keokuk  County 
in  August,  1863 ;  while  in  October  of  the  same 
year  Fremont  County  witnessed  similar  out- 
breaks. In  October,  1864,  ^^  outrageous  mur- 
ders were  committed  in  Sugar  Creek  Township, 
Poweshiek  County." 

Murders  of  Union  men  also  took  place  in 
Davis  County  at  about  the  same  time.  '  ^  Twelve 
young  men,  dressed  in  Federal  uniform,  mount- 
ed on  splendid  horses,  and  armed  with  from 
two  to  seven  revolvers  each,  entered  the  county 
near  the  southeast  corner,  on  the  morning  of 
the  12th  of  October,  1864."    They  rode  through 

59 


60  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  county,  robbing  the  farmers  along  their 
route  and  threatening  all  sorts  of  violence. 
Many  of  the  people  of  Bloomfield  were  at  the 
county  fair,  and  when  rumors  of  the  raid 
reached  there,  it  resulted  in  the  breaking  up  of 
the  fair  and  the  return  to  town  of  the  men.  An 
attack  was  ^^momentarily  expected;  men  were 
placed  on  the  tops  of  houses,  as  look-outs,  to 
watch  and  warn  us  of  approaching  danger. 
Men,  women,  and  children  were  hurrying  to  and 
fro  ....  All  was  hurry,  bustle,  and  con- 
fusion; all  were  willing  and  vied  with  each 
other  in  getting  ready  to  meet  the  danger  .  . 
.  .  But  there  was  no  one  to  take  command, 
and  bring  order  out  of  chaos.  The  voice  of  a 
citizen  was  heard  above  the  din  and  confusion, 
proposing  that  Col.  J.  B.  Weaver,  late  of  the 
2d  Iowa  Infantry,  take  command  of  all  the 
militia,  and  that  every  man  would  yield  prompt 
and  implicit  obedience  to  his  command.  A 
universal  shout  of  approval  rang  out  along  the 
lines,  and  confidence  was  seen  and  felt  in  the 
cheerful  obedience  to  every  order  issued. 

^*A  company  of  mounted  men,  led  by  Col. 
Weaver  ....  started  in  pursuit  late  in 
the  afternoon,  leaving  the  command  of  the 
militia,  for  the  defense  of  the  town'',  to  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  S.  A.  Moore  who  was  '^mate- 
rially assisted  by  Capt.  Gray,  Capt.  Minge,  and 
a   large   number   of   returned   soldiers,   whose 


DEFENDING  THE  HOME  COUNTRY      61 

nerves  had  been  trained  to  steadiness  at  Fort 
Donelson,  Shiloh,  Pea  Ridge,  siege  of  Vicks- 
burg  and  other  fields,  made  glorious  by  their 
valor/'  The  force  under  Colonel  Weaver  fol- 
lowed the  trail  until  midnight,  when  they  were 
in  Missouri,  five  miles  behind  the  raiders. 
Finding  it  impossible  to  overtake  them,  ^Hhey 
reluctantly  retraced  their  steps  homeward/' 

Preparations  were  made  for  the  defense  of 
the  county  seat.  Rumors  came  that  the  Con- 
federate army  was  on  the  western  ^  ^  side  of  the 
Missouri  river;  the  valley  of  the  Des  Moines, 
with  its  immense  supplies  of  provisions  and 
forage,  was  surely  [its]  destination  unless  met 
and  driven  back  by  the  federal  army  .... 
The  inhabitants  of  the  county  w^ere  fully 
aroused  to  the  importance  of  the  occasion; 
companies,  armed  and  unarmed,  were  called 
out,  and  performed  cheerfully  the  guard  and 
patrol  duties  assigned  them." 

An  order  was  issued  by  the  Governor's  aid- 
de-camp  ^^to  Col.  Weaver,  instructing  him  to 
take  command  of  the  entire  militia  forces  of 
the  county,  and  to  put  as  many  men  on  duty  on 
the  border  as  he  thought  the  public  safety  re- 
quired. One  hundred  mounted  men  and  two 
commissioned  officers  w^ere  detailed  by  the 
Colonel,  and  assigned  to  duty  along  the  south 
line  of  the  county,  with  instructions  to  patrol 


62  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  roads  day  and  night.  Twenty-five  men  were 
detailed  to  do  duty  in  the  county  seat,  and  in- 
structed to  arrest  every  suspicious-looking 
stranger  that  could  be  found  in  the  vicinity. 
The  same  instructions  were  given  to  the  troops 
on  the  border  ....  Over  one  hundred 
persons  have  been  arrested  and  turned  back  to 
Missouri,  at  one  post  (Savannah).  Ceaseless 
vigilance  was  the  order  of  the  day.  A  chain  of 
couriers  was  appointed,  reaching  to  every 
school  district  in  the  border  townships,  and 
every  precaution  taken  to  guard  against 
surprise. 

^^On  the  evening  of  the  21st  day  of  October, 
1864,  a  courier  arrived  ....  from  Pu- 
laski, with  the  intelligence  that  a  body  of 
twenty-five  mounted  men  had  been  seen  that 
morning,  some  three  or  four  miles  from  Milton, 
in  Van  Buren  county.  Some  forty  men  were 
immediately  mounted  on  horseback,  many  of 
them  *  pressed'  for  the  occasion,  and  started  in 
the  direction  of  Milton,  fifteen  miles  distant, 
under  command  of  Col.  Weaver. ' '  On  the  way 
information  was  received  that  the  raiders  were 
encamped  six  miles  south  of  Milton.  At  Milton 
they  found  ^^the  militia  of  Troy,  Pulaski,  and 
other  posts  of  the  county,  with  the  forces  in  the 
vicinity".  About  daylight  the  next  morning 
the  force  reached  the  place  where  the  raiders 
were  supposed  to  be  encamped  only  to  find  that 


DEFENDING  THE  HO:\rE  COUNTRY      63 

they  had  left  there  about  nine  o'clock  the  pre- 
ceding evening.  ^^The  command  was  again 
mounted,  and  started  in  pursuit ;  but  with  some 
nine  hours  the  start  of  us,  it  was  impossible  to 
overtake  them.  Their  tracks  indicated  that 
they  had  divided  into  small  squads,  taking  as 
many  different  roads.  We  scoured  the  country 
for  some  twenty  miles  in  Missouri,  and  failing 
to  find  them,  returned''. 

From  that  time  to  the  evening  of  November 
seventh  there  was  comparative  quiet,  although 
^^the  number  of  strangers  constantly  passing 
and  attempting  to  pass  through  the  county" 
gave  rise  to  the  fear  that  ^^ Southern  fugitives" 
would  concentrate  ^  ^  somewhere  near  the  border, 
and  make  another  raid  for  pillage  and  murder. ' ' 

On  November  7th  six  persons  entered  the 
county  from  the  east,  traveling  in  pairs.  Two 
of  them  stopped  at  a  house  and  ^'in  a  rude, 
boisterous  manner  demanded  something  to 
eat".  On  the  refusal  of  the  lady  of  the  house 
^^0  get  dinner  for  them,  they  helped  themselves 
to  what  they  could  find  in  the  cupboard,  and 
left."  They  went  to  another  house  and  put  up 
for  the  night.  Three  men  of  the  neighborhood 
determined  to  arrest  them  and  went  to  the 
house  where  they  were  staying.  In  the  strug- 
gle that  followed  one  member  of  the  arresting 
party  was  killed  and  one  wounded,  while  one 
of  the  strangers  was  injured  but  managed  to 


64  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

escape.  The  militia  arrived  in  a  short  time  and 
pursued,  but  in  the  darkness  the  men  made 
their  escape.  Their  horses  and  equipment  were 
captured.  '^  Their  saddle-pockets  were  filled 
with  powder,  balls,  percussion-caps,  bullet- 
molds,  horse-shoe  nails.  Everything  about 
their  equipages  indicated  that  they  were  rebel 
bushwhackers  or  Confederate  soldiers." 

The  news  of  this  outrage  reached  Bloomfield 
quickly.  *^The  militia  were  called  out,  the 
roads  were  patrolled  and  guarded  in  every 
direction.  Quite  a  number  of  strangers  had 
been  seen  during  the  day  in  different  parts  of 
the  county.  Many  believed  that  an  attack  was 
contemplated  the  next  day,  the  day  of  the 
Presidential  election. ' ' 

Arrests  were  made,  and  at  one  time  there 
were  as  many  as  thirteen  men  in  jail.  Two 
United  States  detectives  ^^came  along,  and  be- 
ing arrested  and  confined  with  the  prisoners 
obtained  much  information  of  value  .... 
in  regard  to  the  future  movements  in  contem- 
plation by  the  bands  of  scoundrels  who  have 
infested  northern  Missouri  since  the  rebellion. 
The  prisoners  were  all  sent  to  Missouri  and 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  proper  authorities. 
Nine  contraband  horses,  with  their  equip- 
ments,'* were  captured  by  the  militia  and  sold. 
The  belief  was  very  prevalent  that  'Marge  num- 
bers   of   rebels''    were    *' quietly   wintering   in 


DEFENDING  THE  HOME  COUNTRY   65 

Iowa  with  a  view  of  recruiting  their  horses  and 
recuperating  themselves  preparatory  to  a  con- 
centration at  some  point  in  the  spring.  "^^  The 
people  along  the  southern  border  of  Iowa  were 
urged  to  be  on  the  alert  and  to  question  all 
strangers  whom  they  met.  Every  loyal  man 
was  advised  to  have  at  least  one  revolver  in 
addition  to  the  arms  furnished  by  the  State  and 
to  carry  this  with  him  at  all  times  ready  for 
immediate  use. 


VI 

A  Eepublican  Leader 

1865-1877 

Colonel  Weaver's  military  record  gave  him  a 
position  of  leadership  in  Davis  County  and 
southern  Iowa  which  entitled  him  to  consider- 
ation in  the  councils  of  the  Eepublican  party  of 
the  State.  The  party  that  had  carried  the  war 
through  to  a  successful  conclusion  occupied  a 
peculiarly  strong  place  in  the  support  of  the 
people,  while  the  Democracy  was  weakened  by 
its  connection  with  slavery  and  disunion.  In 
1865  the  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye  declared 
that  ^'the  vastly  preponderant  sentiment  of  the 
soldier  is  with  the  Eepublican  ticket  .... 
Oovernor  Stone  is  sure  of  an  overwhelming 
majority.  His  associates  on  the  State  ticket 
are  destined  to  win;  and  the  Legislature  will 
hardly  have  a  copperhead  in  it  to  represent  a 
miserable  band  of  plotters  and  traitors. '^  The 
same  paper  a  few  months  later  described  **the 
military  element  in  the  Legislature ' '  as  ^Wery 
strong.  It  is  our  opinion  that  fully  one-half 
the  members  have  served  in  the  army.^'^^  The 
same  conditions  that  produced  a  line  of  soldier 
Presidents  after  the  war  opened  official  posi- 

66 


A  KEPUBLICAN  LEADER  67 

tions  all  over  the  country  to  the  men  who  had 
served  in  the  army. 

General  Weaver  ^s  own  ability  and  interest  in 
politics,  which  had  developed  before  the  out- 
break of  the  war,  inclined  him  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  favorable  situation.  Within  about 
a  year  after  his  return  to  civil  life  he  was  a 
candidate  for  nomination  as  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor before  the  Republican  Convention,  stand- 
ing second  in  the  number  of  votes  received  on 
the  first  ballot.  Benjamin  F.  Gue  was  the  suc- 
cessful candidate  for  the  nomination.  Out  of  a 
total  of  nearly  900  delegates  Gue  had  the  sup- 
port of  over  500,  Weaver  came  next  with  from 
250  to  255,  George  W.  McCrary  received  80, 
and  another  candidate  recorded  32.  Upon  a  mo- 
tion made  by  Weaver  and  seconded  by  McCrary, 
the  nomination  of  Gue  was  made  unanimous. ^"^ 

After  the  election  in  October  it  appears  that 
Weaver  sent  a  letter  to  the  Burlington  Weekly 
Hawh-Eye  enthusiastically  expressing  his  in- 
terest in  the  victory  of  the  Republican  party. 
The  letter  ran  as  follows:  "Dear  ^Hawk-Eye'. 
—  Davis  county  is  thoroughly  redeemed :  150  to 
200  majority  for  the  whole  union  ticket,  both 

State  and  County.     Who  can  do  better  than 

this  r' ^8 

The  next  year  Weaver's  activity  is  recorded 
in  his  signature  to  the  call  for  a  convention  in 
the  first  Congressional  district  as  a  member  of 


68  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  committee  representing  Davis  County.^^ 
At  the  October  election  he  was  the  successful 
candidate  for  district  attorney  in  the  second 
judicial  district  which  was  then  made  up  of 
Davis,  Appanoose,  Wapello,  Monroe,  Van 
Buren,  and  Wayne  counties.  The  election  was 
for  four  years.^*^  Soon  after  the  election  he 
sent  letters  to  the  Burlington  Weekly  Hawk- 
Eye  and  the  Gate  City  of  Keokuk.  He  called 
the  attention  of  the  Hawk-Eye  to  the  fact  that 
Davis  County  gave  ^*  J.  F.  Wilson  300  majority 
over  Fitz  Henry  Warren,  Preacher  to  Guate- 
mala —  State  and  county  ticket  from  250  to 
280.  Who  has  done  better!  You  will  see  that 
we  have  doubled  our  last  year's  majority. '^  In 
his  letter  to  the  Gate  City  he  wrote:  ^^The 
Copperheads  refused  to  vote  for  Warren  be- 
cause they  heard  he  was  Minister  to  Guatemala. 
*  Preachers,'  they  say,  ^should  not  meddle  in 
politics.'    Fatal  for  Warren. "^^ 

In  1867  General  Weaver  was  appointed  by 
President  Johnson  to  the  office  of  assessor  of 
internal  revenue  for  the  first  district  of  Iowa, 
in  which  he  served  the  government  for  six 
years  —  or  until  the  office  was  abolished  by  an 
act  of  Congress  in  1872  providing  for  the  abo- 
lition of  the  offices  of  assessor  and  assistant 
assessor  on  or  before  June  30, 1873.  Previously 
there  had  been  a  collector  and  assessor  in  each 
collection  district.    These  districts  were  estab- 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  69 

lished  by  the  President  and  could  not  exceed  in 
number  in  any  State  the  number  of  its  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress.  The  assessor  divided 
his  district  into  a  convenient  number  of  assess- 
ment districts,  in  each  of  which  an  assistant 
assessor  was  appointed  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  upon  the  nomination  of  the  assessor. 
After  1873  the  duties  of  the  assessors  devolved 
upon  the  collectors,  and  the  new  system  proved 
more  efficient  and  economical.^'- 

General  Weaver  ^s  ability  as  a  public  speaker 
was  forcibly  described  in  the  Burlington 
Weekly  Eawh-Eye  in  1871.  In  September  he 
had  addressed  a  Republican  meeting  at  Bur- 
lington where,  according  to  the  account,  ^^he 
spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  quarter,  comparing  the 
platforms  of  the  two  parties  in  this  State,  con- 
trasting the  histories,  the  purposes,  and  the 
principles  of  the  two  parties  in  the  country,  and 
advocating  the  reasonableness  of  the  claim  of 
the  Republican  party  for  a  continuance  of  its 
beneficent  rule  and  the  absurdity  of  Demo- 
cratic pretensions.  This  portraiture  in  both 
cases  was  striking,  and  his  reference  to  the 
deeds  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  develop- 
ment of  its  great  central  ideas  of  liberty  and 
progress  were  eloquent  and  thrilling,  and 
stirred  the  blood  of  his  hearers  into  repeated 
outbursts  of  applause. 

'^Gen.   Weaver  was   listened   to   with   close 


70  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

attention,  and  made  an  excellent  impression 
upon  those  who  heard  him.  We  have  not  room 
for  a  complete  synopsis  even  of  his  speech,  but 
must  content  ourselves  with  this  general  ref- 
erence to  it,  and  in  advising  all  our  readers  to 
improve   the   first   opportunity   they   have   to 

listen  to  this  able  defender  of  the  Eepublican 
faith. '^«3 

By  the  year  1872,  if  not  earlier.  General 
Weaver  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  prospec- 
tive Congressman  to  represent  the  first  district 
following  Wilson  and  McCrary,  and  later  the 
sixth  district  when  Davis  County  had  been  set 
off  from  its  old  connections.  In  1872  he  was 
one  of  the  presidential  electors,  representing 
the  sixth  district.^* 

It  was  in  1874  that  General  Weaver  came 
within  one  vote  of  receiving  the  nomination  for 
Congressman  in  the  sixth  district.  On  the  in- 
formal ballot  he  had  thirty-two  votes  to  his 
principal  opponent's  twenty-four  —  two  other 
candidates  receiving  eleven  votes.  On  the  first 
formal  ballot  the  two  leading  candidates  had 
thirty-two  and  twenty-six  votes  respectively 
and  one  other  candidate  had  eight.  But  on  the 
second  formal  and  final  ballot  Weaver  received 
thirty-three  votes,  while  his  successful  oppo- 
nent. Judge  E.  S.  Sampson,  had  thirty-four 
votes. 

Weaver  had  been  regarded  as  the  probable 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  71 

nominee  and  there  were  many  charges  made 
both  by  Eepublicans  and  Democrats  that  he 
was  defeated  by  unfair  means.  One  delegate 
was  reported  to  have  desired  to  change  his 
vote  before  the  final  ballot,  but  the  chairman  of 
his  delegation  refused  to  announce  it.  The 
friends  of  Weaver  were  so  aroused  that  they 
sent  a  committee  to  Sampson  to  urge  him  not 
to  accept  the  nomination,  while  at  the  same  time 
his  opponents  sent  a  committee  to  the  candi- 
date to  urge  his  acceptance.  The  convention 
was  held  at  Ottumwa  and  Judge  Sampson  was 
holding  court  at  Fairfield.  Both  committees 
started  from  Ottumwa  on  the  evening  train  to 
interview  the  candidate.  One  of  the  members 
of  the  committee,  disappointed  by  Weaver's 
defeat,  telegraphed  Sampson  not  to  accept  the 
nomination  till  he  saw  the  committee.  Both 
committees  conferred  with  the  candidate,  who 
took  the  matter  under  advisement  and  a  few 
days  later  announced  his  acceptance. ^^ 

The  Iowa  State  Register  in  referring  to  the 
nomination  of  Sampson  declared  that  ^'no  bet- 
ter selection  could  possibly  have  been  made, 
unless,  indeed.  General  Weaver  had  been 
chosen,  and  that  would  have  been  a  choice  un- 
doubtedly as  good,  but  perhaps  no  better. 
General  Weaver  gave  Judge  Sampson  close  and 
gallant  contest,  and  lost  the  prize  by  only  one 
vote.    That  the  General  did  not  succeed  will  be 


72  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

regretted  by  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
of  his  devoted  friends  and  admirers  in  all  parts 
of  the  State.  Outside  of  the  District,  the  feel- 
ing was  largely  and  warmly  in  his  favor,  and  it 
was  generally  supposed  that  there  was  little 
doubt  of  his  success.  It  would  have  pleased  us 
to  chronicle  here  his  nomination. '^^^ 

The  Bloomfield  Democrat  declared  that  ^Hhe 
nomination  was  secured  by  such  trickery  that 
numbers  of  the  Republicans  refuse  to  support 
the  ticket'^,  and  that  many  Republicans  ^^ be- 
lieved, and  justly  too,  that  Weaver  had  been 
most  villainously  cheated  out  of  a  nomination. '  ^ 
Later  this  paper  described  the  nomination  as 
coming  to  Sampson  ^'by  the  meanest  kind  of 
wire  pulling,  by  political  chicanery,  and  by  the 
use  of  dishonorable  transactions.^'  Another 
editorial  in  the  same  paper  stated  that  recently 
Sampson  had  ^^  assured  Gen.  Weaver  himself, 
while  the  twain  were  riding  in  a  railroad  coach, 
together,  that  he  (Sampson)  would  not  in  any 
manner  stand  in  the  way  of  the  other's  aspira- 
tions. We  have  received  this  information  from 
Republican  sources,  and  have  every  reason  to 
believe  it  authentic  ....  Weaver  is  hon- 
estly entitled  to  the  nomination.  Thru  scul- 
duggery  Sampson  was  boosted  ahead  of  him.'' 

Again  a  week  later  the  Bloomfield  Democrat, 
commenting  upon  a  statement  that  ^Svhat  de- 
feated Weaver     ....     was  the  same  thing 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  73 

that  defeated  Harlan,  the  Methodist  Church' \ 
declared  that  ^^the  people  have  concluded  that 
the  Methodist  Church  cannot  run  this  country. 
This  is  only  an  excuse ;  the  true  reason  was  that 
Weaver  would  not  pledge  himself  to  continue 
the  present  set  of  Federal  officials  in  their  com- 
fortable quarters,  if  he  should  be  elected.  He 
didn't  propose  to  go  into  the  race  handicapped 
with  Warden  and  Hedrick  and  Hamilton;  so 
these  worthies  and  the  rest  of  the  ring  pro- 
ceeded to  slaughter  him  and  place  the  nomina- 
tion where  it  would  do  good.  The  Methodist 
Church  may  do  for  a  scape-goat,  but  the  true 
reason  for  Weaver's  defeat  is  the  one  we  have 
given  above.  "^^ 

Apparently  Weaver  was  regarded  as  the 
logical  nominee  in  the  sixth  district  in  1874. 
His  personal  strength  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
he  later  carried  the  district  three  times  as  an 
independent  candidate.  Clearly  there  was  dis- 
tinct and  interested  opposition  to  him.  His 
ability  and  independence  explain  this  opposi- 
tion as  satisfactorily  as  it  can  be  accounted  for 
by  a  study  of  contemporary  political  conditions. 
The  opposition  in  the  Republican  party  to  able 
and  fearless  leadership  that  has  defeated  it 
from  time  to  time  was  already  gathering 
strength  in  1874.  It  was  to  be  one  of  the  fac- 
tors in  driving  Weaver  out  of  the  party  a  few 
years  later. 


74  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

In  1875  General  Weaver  was  the  leading 
candidate  for  the  nomination  as  Governor  be- 
fore the  Republican  State  Convention.  He 
made  a  vigorous  campaign  and  won  a  majority 
of  the  delegates.  The  opposing  candidates 
were  John  Russell,  John  H.  Gear,  Robert 
Smythe,  and  W.  B.  Fairfield.  Weaver  had 
aligned  himself  fearlessly  ^^with  the  elements 
which  were  demanding  the  vigorous  control  or 
entire  suppression  of  the  saloons,  and  the  public 
control  of  the  railways  and  other  semi-public 
corporations.''  When  his  opponents  found  that 
**he  was  going  to  be  nominated,  unless  some 
strong  new  feature  or  issue,  or  some  new  and 
stronger  man,  could  be  introduced  on  the  scene, 
there  was  much  of  canvassing  all  night  long  the 
night  before  the  Convention  met,  to  devise  a 
winning  plan  and  accomplish  Weaver's  over- 
throw. ' ' 

His  most  active  opponents  were  **the  liquor 
or  saloon  people".  The  corporation  repre- 
sentatives ^^were  also  nearly  all  opposed  to 
him,  but  not  nearly  so  earnestly  nor  so  unan- 
imously as  the  saloon  element."  Various  pro- 
posals were  considered,  among  them  one  to 
nominate  General  G.  M.  Dodge;  but  it  was 
known  that  he  would  not  accept  because  he  did 
not  want  the  office  and  because  of  his  friendship 
for  General  Weaver.  After  canvassing  this 
possibility  *Hhe  saloon  people  began  to  turn  to 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  75 

Kirkwood,  and  yet  morning  came  without  any 
regular  programme  having  been  reached  to 
present  his  name  or  to  work  the  stampede  from 
Weaver. ''^^ 

The  convention  met  in  Des  Moines  on  June 
30th  at  Moore's  Opera  House,  ^^with  the  house 
so  crowded  that  several  of  the  delegations  had  to 
be  seated  on  the  stage.  There  w^as  much  gossip 
and  speculation  among  the  delegates  as  to  what 
was  to  be  done,  and  the  whole  Convention  was 
plainly  nervous  and  expectant  of  something 
sensational  going  to  happen.  There  was  no 
chosen  leader  to  take  charge  of  the  Kirkwood 
boom,  or  to  openly  antagonize  the  Weaver 
majority.'' 

Senator  Frank  T.  Campbell  nominated  Gen- 
eral Weaver;  and  then  in  turn  John  Russell  of 
Jones  County,  John  H.  Gear  of  Des  Moines 
County,  Eobert  Smythe  of  Linn  County,  and 
W.  B.  Fairfield  of  Floyd  County  were  named. 
At  this  point  in  the  proceedings  Dr.  S.  M. 
Ballard  arose  to  nominate  Ex-Governor  Kirk- 
wood; and  General  Trumbull  of  Dubuque  in- 
quired if  he  had  authority  to  present  the  name. 
Dr.  Ballard,  *'a  veteran  white  haired  Repub- 
lican of  imposing  form",  replied:  '^I  have  the 
authority  of  the  great  Republican  party  of 
Iowa".  This  statement  was  greeted  with  tre- 
mendous cheering,  and  Russell  and  Gear  imme- 
diately withdrew  their  names,  declaring  they 


76  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

would  not  oppose  the  ^^Old  War  Governor '\ 
Senator  Campbell  asked  if  friends  of  Kirkwood 
had  not  received  a  dispatch  from  him  saying 
that  he  was  not  a  candidate.  This  inquiry  was 
replied  to  by  cries  that  it  made  no  difference. 
Dr.  Ballard  moved  to  nominate  by  acclamation, 
but  the  motion  was  opposed  and  withdrawn. 
An  informal  ballot  was  taken  and  resulted  in 
the  casting  of  268  votes  for  Kirkwood,  200  for 
Weaver,  111  for  Smythe,  and  33  for  Fairfield; 
a  total  of  612  making  307  necessary  for  a  choice. 
A  formal  ballot  was  next  taken,  but  before  the 
vote  was  counted,  delegations  began  to  change 
to  Kirkwood,  whereupon  Captain  John  A.  T. 
Hull,  of  Davis  County,  moved  to  make  the  nom- 
ination unanimous,  an  action  that  was  greeted 
^^with  thundering  applause. '^^^ 

The  stampede  of  the  convention  away  from 
Weaver  so  greatly  desired  by  the  anti-prohi- 
bition and  pro-corporation  delegates  had  been 
accomplished;  but  the  result  was  probably 
brought  about  by  ^'instantly  utilizing  a  way 
opened  to  them  in  a  time  of  great  need"  and 
not  by  originating  the  movement.  ^^The  Con- 
vention in  its  highly  wrought  condition  and 
excitement  was  hypnotized,  as  so  many  large 
popular  bodies  frequently  are,  and  enough  of 
General  Weaver's  delegates  were  swept  off 
their  feet  and  carried  along  by  the  storm  to 
furnish  the  votes  needed  to  make  a  majority 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  77 

for  Kirkwood  ....  Before  the  next  day 
had  come,  and  the  spell  was  over,  many  of  those 
who  had  helped  to  do  it,  deeply  regretted  it, 
and  would  have  undone  it  if  they  could. ' ' 

A  combination  of  circumstances  in  connec- 
tion with  the  adroit  use  of  the  name  of  the 
*  ^  War  Governor ' '  without  his  knowledge,  swept 
the  nomination  that  '^General  Weaver  had  so 
ardently  coveted,  and  had  so  clearly  and  hon- 
estly won  ....  out  of  his  hands  and  his 
whole  course  in  life  [was  thereby]  changed.'' 

After  General  Weaver's  death  in  1912  James 
S.  Clarkson,  long  the  editor  of  The  Iowa  State 
Register  and  prominent  in  the  Republican 
party  of  the  State,  recorded  his  recollection 
and  judgment  of  the  convention  of  1875.  He 
felt  at  the  time,  and  had  felt  ever  since  that 
Weaver  ^^was  treated  unjustly  ....  and 
given  ample  provocation  for  the  course  that  he 
afterwards  took.  I  have  always  believed,  too, 
that  the  unjust  action  of  that  Convention 
caused  in  the  end  as  much  of  loss  to  the  Repub- 
lican party  as  it  did  to  General  Weaver.  For 
at  that  time  he  was  already  one  of  the  two  or 
three  strongest  men  in  mental  force,  debating 
power  and  popular  influence  in  the  Republican 
party  in  Iowa;  and  if  he  had  been  given  the 
nomination  for  Governor  then,  for  which  he 
had  an  unquestionable  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates when  the  Convention  met,  he  would  have 


78  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

been  elected,  would  have  made  a  strong  and 
popular  Governor,  and  would  almost  surely 
have  been  afterwards  elected  United  States 
Senator  and  would  have  made  such  a  great 
career  in  the  Senate,  as  a  parliamentary  leader 
and  debater  as  to  have  added  greatly  even  to 
the  great  power  and  renown  which  Iowa, 
through  its  unusually  able  men  in  Congress 
between  1861  and  until  about  1908  enjoyed  —  a 
renown  and  a  power  which  were  equalled  by  no 
other  delegation  in  Congress  except  that  of  the 
State  of  Maine/' 

Mr.  Clarkson  believed  that  General  Weaver 
was  compelled  to  leave  the  Republican  party 
*^in  vindication  of  his  self-respect '\  He  never 
blamed  him  **for  the  course  that  he  took'';  and 
*^in  the  inner  circles  of  the  Republican  party, 
and  among  fair  men  everywhere,  this  view  was 
taken.  It  was  a  most  serious  sacrifice  to  him, 
for  he  had  a  nature  which  prized  and  treasured 
personal  friendships  as  being  really  the  sweeter 
things  in  human  life,  and  the  most  of  his  friend- 
ships were  among  the  Republicans.  His  orig- 
inal aspirations  were  all  within  the  party  of  his 
first  choice.  His  illustrious  career  as  a  soldier, 
and  the  devotion  to  him  of  all  Union  soldiers 
but  added  to  this.  At  different  times  and  in 
different  ways,  but  of  course  always  without 
publicity,  many  of  us  in  the  Republican  party 
sought  to  open  the  way  for  the  self-respecting 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  79 

return  of  the  General  to  the  party.  But  the 
right  way  could  never  be  opened;  and  besides 
the  General  once  he  had  entered  upon  his  new 
career  of  fighting  the  Republican  party,  because 
of  its  growing  tendency  no  longer  to  keep  hu- 
man rights  and  human  interests  above  all 
property  rights  and  property  interests,  felt 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  stay  at  the  new  post  in 
the  new  field/' 

In  concluding  his  tribute,  Mr.  Clarkson  de- 
clared that  it  was  ^^to  the  eternal  credit  of 
General  Weaver  that  the  main  motives  and  de- 
sires of  his  life  always  were  to  serve  his  fellow 
man.  Generously  endowed  by  nature,  in  both 
mental  and  physical  force,  he  could  easily  have 
won  fortune  and  success  in  several  fields. 
.  .  when  the  call  of  duty  came,  however,  and 
he  became  convinced  that  the  government  was 
drifting  into  the  control  of  the  special  interests 
and  the  privileged  classes,  and  from  Lincoln's 
ideal  of  a  ^government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  for  the  people,'  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
make  the  sacrifice  and  give  up  all  his  personal 
ambitions  and  go  to  the  defence  of  the  x^eople. 
Then  he  became  one  of  the  forerunners,  and  I 
think  the  greatest  of  them  all,  in  the  great  pop- 
ular movement  to  resist  this  tendency  to  make 
our  Republic  a  government  of  money,  by  money, 
for  money,  and  not  of  men,  which  is  now  nation- 
wide, and   so  valiantly  led  by  Roosevelt  and 


80  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

other  gallant  spirits  following  on  these  higher 
paths  where  Weaver  led.  Millions  of  fair  men 
who  opposed  the  General  then,  and  honestly 
thought  him  visionary  or  seeking  personal 
power  and  renown  through  new  and  untenable 
issues,  find  it  a  pleasing  duty  to  themselves  to 
do  him  justice  now. ''^^ 

The  evening  session  of  the  Eepublican  con- 
vention that  nominated  Kirkwood  as  Governor 
in  1875  completed  the  State  ticket  and  adopted 
a  platform.  A  spirited  discussion  was  carried  on 
in  regard  to  temperance,  the  currencj^,  Southern 
questions,  and  a  third  term  for  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  The  chief  controversy, 
however,  was  waged  about  prohibition,  to 
which  the  platform  as  reported  by  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions  made  no  reference.  By 
a  delegate  from  Keokuk  a  resolution  was  pro- 
posed for  which  General  Weaver  immediately 
offered  a  substitute,  declaring  that  ^ '  the  Repub- 
lican party  of  Iowa  is  opposed  to  the  repeal  of 
the  prohibitory  liquor  law  of  this  State,  and 
will  stand  by  its  record  on  that  question.  *'  A 
motion  w^as  then  made  and  adopted  to  refer 
both  proposals  to  the  committee  on  resolutions 
with  instructions  to  report  *' forthwith '  \ 

A  little  later  the  committee  brought  in  a  sub- 
stitute of  its  own  to  the  effect  that  ilTwas  the 
duty  and  right  of  the  State  ^Ho  provide  such 
legislation  upon  the  subject  of  the  liquor  traffic 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  81 

as  will  best  protect  society  from  tlie  evils  of 
intemperance.''  Colonel  Henderson  proposed 
to  leave  the  matter  to  the  General  Assembly 
and  to  the  people.  Attention  then  was  given  to 
General  Weaver's  substitute.  Mr.  Potter  of 
Scott  County  protested  against  its  adoption, 
since  it  would  drive  20,000  Republicans  out  of 
the  party;  and  he  urged  the  reference  of  the 
question  to  the  people.  In  reply  General 
Weaver  said  that  40,000  Republicans  would 
leave  the  party  if  the  platform  did  not  confirm 
the  record  of  the  party.  *^I  warn  you  not  to 
defy  the  temperance  sentiment  in  the  Repub- 
lican party".  Potter  replied  with  a  warning 
against  crippling  the  Republican  party  by 
adopting  the  prohibition  test,  and  he  was  sup- 
ported by  another  delegate  from  Scott  County. 
Judge  Nourse  spoke  in  favor  of  honesty  in  the 
platform.  He  opposed  the  committee's  resolu- 
tion for  it  meant  nothing;  ^Hhe  resolution  of 
Gen.  Weaver"  was  ^^the  only  one"  that  had 
**any  ring  to  it."  Delegates  from  Floyd  and 
Dubuque  counties  favored  temperance,  but  ob- 
jected to  crowding  it  down  the  throats  of  those 
opposed  to  it.  Finally,  ^Hhe  resolution  and  all 
its  amendments  were  laid  upon  the  table  —  the 
vote  on  both  sides  being  heavy  and  strong,  but 
the  majority  clearly  and  largely  with  the 
ayes."^^ 

The  attitude  of  opponents  of  prohibition  on 


82  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  position  taken  by  General  Weaver  is  clearly 
illustrated  by  editorials  which  appeared  in  the 
Bloomfield  Democrat.  One  editorial  declared 
that  **when  Gen.  Weaver  comes  to  be  nomi- 
nated for  the  State  Senate  next  fall,  the  nat- 
uralized citizens  of  this  county  will  remember 
that  he  said  ....  ^The  time  has  come 
for  American  civilization  to  assert  itself  against 
European  dictation.'  Properly  interpreted, 
this  means  that  a  foreign  born  citizen  has  no 
right  to  drink  a  glass  of  beer  against  the  pro- 
tests of  a  native  American  cold-waterite.  The 
Gen.  may  yet  have  cause  to  regret  this  enunci- 
ation of  know-nothing  sentiments. ' ' 

Another  editorial  in  the  same  number  of  the 
same  paper,  referred  to  General  Weaver  in 
connection  with  a  comment  of  the  State  Leader, 
which  said  that  '4t  is  time  we  hear  from  Gen- 
eral Weaver  of  Davis  county.  If  Kirkwood  is 
for  license  how  can  General  Weaver  support 
him  in  the  face  of  his  speech  made  in  the  state 
convention  r '"^2 

Late  in  August  of  the  same  year  General 
Weaver  was  nominated  for  State  Senator  from 
Davis  County  by  acclamation.  After  the  other 
candidates  had  been  named,  ''Weaver  was 
vociferously  called  for'';  whereupon  he  arose 
and  spoke  as  follows : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  thank  you  for  the 
nomination  you  have  to-day  given  me.     I  assure  you 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  83 

that  it  is  appreciated  on  my  part,  because  it  came 
from  those  with  whom  I  have  lived  from  my  child- 
hood, and  for  the  further  reason  that  it  w^as  entirely 
unsolicited  on  my  part.  No  member  of  this  Conven- 
tion can  say  that  I  have  asked  directl}^  or  indirectly, 
for  this  nomination.  I  have  lived  among  you  33 
years,  and  this  is  the  first  time  that  my  name  has 
been  before  a  Convention  in  this  county.  I  wish  to 
remark  right  here,  that  as  you  have  taken  the  respon- 
sibility of  nominating  me  to-day,  upon  you  will  rest 
the  responsibility  of  electing  me ;  but  while  I  lay  upon 
you  this  responsibility,  I  shall,  at  the  same  time  do 
everything  in  my  power,  during  the  canvas  to  secure 
my  election,  and  the  election  of  the  whole  ticket.  We 
must  have  no  scratching  at  this  election,  if  we  can 
help  it.  Let  us  by  united  work  secure  a  triumph  in 
Davis  county  this  fall.  The  people  of  this  county, 
Democrats,  alike  with  Republicans,  have  a  common 
interest,  in  securing  good  officials  and  good  govern- 
ment. I  promise  you,  gentlemen,  if  elected,  to  do  the 
very  best  I  can  for  the  interests  of  this  country. 
There  is  one  thing,  however,  which  I  wish  clearly 
understood  —  one  thing  that  I  intend  to  live  and  die 
by  —  I  am  a  prohibitionist. 

^^  Under  cover  of  the  applause  which  greeted 
this  declaration,  the  Gen.  retreated,  to  give  way 
to  Power  [the  nominee  for  Representative], 
who  said  that  he  was  not  a  speech  making  man, 
but  that  he  endorsed  the  principles  advanced 
by  Weaver,  and  would  represent  the  principles 
of  the  party,  this  winter,  if  elected.  "^^ 


84  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

The  campaign  opened  immediately.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Bloom  field  Democrat,  which  referred 
to  the  Kepublican  convention  as  '^HulPs  Con- 
vention", the  ^'Ring  Ticket  was  nominated", 
and  the  ^^Bloomfield  Clique  have  it  their  own 
way".  A  meeting  at  Pulaski  on  September  20th, 
at  which  the  Democratic  candidates  began  their 
canvass,  was  attended  by  fully  as  large  a 
crowd  '*as  the  one  addressed  by  General 
Weaver,  the  week  before."  Senator  H.  A. 
Wonn,  who  was  a  candidate  for  reelection, 
replied  to  Weaver's  questions  as  to  his  course 
in  the  State  Senate.  He  showed  that  'instead 
of  voting  *  first,  last,  and  all  the  time'  for  the 
railroads,  as  had  been  charged  by  Weaver,  he 
gave  repeated  votes  for  measures  which  were 
intended  to  curtail  the  power  of  those  corpora- 
tions. Mr.  Hotchkiss  [candidate  for  Eepre- 
sentative]  followed  in  a  reply  to  Weaver's 
speech,  and  made  a  very  telling  argument 
against  the  position  taken  by  the  would-be  Sen- 
ator. Weaver's  statement  on  the  currency 
question  was  shown  up  by  quotations  from  the 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court."  A  crowd  of 
Republicans  led  by  Hull,  the  county  chairman, 
were  described  as  conducting  ^'themselves  in  a 
boisterous  and  sacreligious  manner  in  the 
church.  When  Gen.  AVeaver  spoke  he  had  the 
consideration  to  ask  that  no  demonstrations  of 
that  character  be  made."^^ 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  85 

Early  in  October  the  same  paper  contained 
comments  upon  the  campaign  to  the  effect  that 
**  Weaver  goes  about  the  county  saying  that 
under  the  operation  of  the  present  railroad  law 
the  people  of  Iowa  have  saved  a  million  of 
dollars  in  the  past  year".  It  also  was  stated 
that  ^^Wonn,  in  the  Senate,  voted  for  a  substi- 
tute to  the  present  railroad  law,  which  provided 
that  railroads  should  charge  only  reasonable 
fare;  yet  the  Republican  charges  that  he  voted 
in  the  interests  of  the  railroads.  ""^^ 

After  the  election  the  Democrat  declared  that 
^*  Weaver  stepped  into  nomination  for  Senator 
at  the  County  Convention,  by  acclamation,  but 
stepped  out  by  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
majority  in  ballots.''  Another  editorial  in  the 
same  paper  reminded  its  readers  that  they  must 
not  forget  their  ^^  allies,  the  Liberal  Repub- 
licans and  Anti-Monopolists  who  stood  shoulder 
to  shoulder  with  us  ...  .  Along  with 
these  allies  of  the  Democracy  we  wish  to  thank 
those  Republicans  who  had  no  stomach  for  ring 
rule  and  clique  dictation,  and  aided  our  cause 
with  their  votes.  ""^^ 

A  week  later  the  Democrat  described  the 
election  as  ^Hhe  best  fight  the  Democracy  of 
Davis  county  ever  made  within  our  recollection 
,  .  .  .  The  strongest  man  the  Republicans 
could  select  as  their  leader.  Gen.  Weaver,  con- 
ducted the  most  thorough  canvas  ever  made 


86  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

here,  and  was  defeated.  Preponderance  of 
votes  did  the  work  ....  Every  available 
vote  in  the  county  was  in  the  ballot  boxes. '^'^'^ 

Still  another  reference  in  the  same  paper  de- 
scribed ^'the  gubernatorial  election ''  in  Davis 
County  as  ^*a  mere  matter  of  form,  an  event  of 
no  moment.  The  grand  center  of  attraction 
was  Weaver.  Weaver  was  the  perfect  embodi- 
ment of  radical  Kepublicanism,  and  radical 
Eepublicanism  loved  and  caressed,  petted  and 
worshiped  the  General;  but  dear  friends,  all 
sublunary  things  are  uncertain. —  Fortune  is  a 
fickle  Goddess.  Weep  no  more,  dear  friends; 
the  way  is  yet  open;  the  Democracy  are  mag- 
nanimous in  time  of  victory;  so  throw  away 
your  broken  sticks,  abandon  your  false  idols 
and  ye  shall  be  received  with  outstretched  arms 
of  welcome ''."^^ 

The  attitude  of  the  Eepublican  papers  was 
reflected  in  the  statement  that  Weaver  ^'has  the 
entire  Eepublican  press  of  the  State  to  aid  in 
salving  his  political  wounds '  \ 

One  paper  was  quoted  as  saying  that  the 
'*  defeat  of  no  man  in  the  State  will  be  more 
generally  regretted  than  that  of  General 
Weaver  ....  he  could  and  will  wield 
more  Real  influence  in  the  State  Senate,  than 
fifty  like  the  gentleman  who  has  defeated  him 
.  .  .  .  the  people  of  Davis  county  .... 
will  regret  their  unwise  act  in  defeating  the 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  87 

man  who  could  do  more  in  the  Legislature  than 
any  other  man  in  their  midst. "'^ 

General  Weaver's  defeat  for  the  nominations 
for  Congressman  in  1874,  for  Governor  in  1875, 
and  in  the  campaign  for  the  State  Senate 
showed  conclusively  that  there  was  some  strong 
influence  in  the  State  opposed  to  his  advance- 
ment. At  the  same  time  it  is  equally  clear  that 
he  was  regarded  by  the  rank  and  file  of  his 
party  as  an  able  and  conscientious  leader.  His 
military  career  had  been  highly  creditable,  and 
he  was  popular  with  the  men  who  had  served  in 
the  army.  Apparently  he  had  the  qualities, 
and  the  conditions  in  general  were  favorable  to 
his  success.  The  key  to  the  situation  seems  to 
be  found  in  his  views  on  temperance  —  views 
w^hich  created  a  solid  and  unyielding  opposition 
and  prevented  his  further  advancement  in  the 
party. 

So  notable  was  the  succession  of  defeats  that 
the  Burlington  Hawh-Eye,  a  Eepublican  paper, 
asked  the  question  in  November,  1875,  whether 
Weaver  was  to  be  forced  to  leave  the  party. 
It  referred  to  him  as  *^  really  too  good  a  man 
to  be  thus  driven  about  from  one  end  of  the 
ring  to  the  other.''  The  Henry  County  Free 
Press  was  quoted  as  ^' aptly"  saying  that  ^4f 
there  is  one  man  in  the  State  of  Iowa  who  is 
justified  ....  in  becoming  a  *  sorehead', 
that  man  is  Gen.  Weaver."     Eecent  political 


88  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

history  was  reviewed  to  show  that  before  1874 
he  had  been  successfully  side-tracked  for  nomi- 
nations that  he  had  good  reasons  to  assume 
were  coming  to  him.  He  was  regarded  as  the 
prospective  successor  to  Wilson  and  McCrary 
in  the  first  district,  but  Gear  who  wanted  to  be 
Congressman  used  his  legislative  influence  to 
throw  him  into  the  sixth.  Later  he  was  de- 
feated for  the  nomination  from  that  district  by 
Loughridge  and  Sampson.  Again,  in  the  State 
convention  in  1875  ^'Gear  and  Kirkwood 
double-teamed  against  him,  and  though  he  led 
on  the  first  ballot,  he  lost  the  prize.  "^^ 

In  spite  of  these  repeated  disappointments 
there  were  no  immediate  indications  that  Gen- 
eral Weaver  seriously  considered  leaving  the 
Eepublican  party.  In  January,  1876,  he  was 
described  as  ^4n  Des  Moines,  one  of  Harlan's 
chief  Lieutenants,  foremost  among  the  workers 
at  the  Harlan  headquarters",  and  doing  all 
that  he  could  to  make  him  again  United  States 
Senator.^^ 

In  July  The  Iowa  State  Register  printed  a 
card  from  Weaver  in  regard  to  his  candidacy 
for  Congress  in  the  sixth  district  against  Judge 
Sampson.  He  wrote  that  he  had  ^'always  con- 
ceded the  Judge's  right  to  a  second  nomination, 
if  his  course  in  Congress  was  satisfactory  to  his 
constituents.  And  I  now  concede  his  right, 
under  the  two  term  rule  to  the  nomination,  if. 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  89 

in  his  opposition  to  the  repeal  of  the  Resump- 
tion Act,  and  in  his  opposition  to  making  silver 
coin  a  legal  tender  for  all  sums,  he  expresses 
the  will  of  the  Republican  voters  of  this  Dis- 
trict. With  one  exception  I  have  neither  talked 
nor  written  to  a  single  delegate  concerning  this 
matter,  and  then  only  in  reply  to  a  letter  re- 
ceived from  him.  Please  do  me  [the]  justice  to 
publish  this  letter".  Another  item  in  the  same 
number  of  the  same  paper  called  attention  to 
the  card  and  declared  that  the  writer  ^^had  no 
idea  that  he  [Weaver]  entertained  any  notion 
of  being  a  candidate  until  the  10th  inst.,  though, 
as  w^e  learned,  his  friends  had  then  been  work- 
ing in  his  interest  for  some  weeks.  "^^ 

About  the  same  time  a  number  of  citizens  of 
Appanoose  County  wrote  to  him  asking  his 
opinion  on  ^Hhe  resumption  question  and  other 
financial  matters.  His  reply  was  frank  and 
manly  as  his  answers  always  are".  The  cor- 
respondence, which  was  published  at  the  time, 
developed  more  fully  the  general  ideas  pre- 
sented in  his  card  sent  to  The  Iowa  State  Reg- 
ister. He  described  the  Resumption  Act  as  ^^a 
violation  of  all  the  natural  laws  of  trade"  and 
as  ^^a  costly  experiment  to  the  whole  country 
.  .  .  .  It  is  causing  daily,  fearful  and  rapid 
contraction  of  the  currency,  which  was  barely 
adequate  to  the  business  interests  of  the  coun- 
try before  contraction  began     ....     The 


90  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

idea  that  we  will  be  ready  in  1879,  to  commence 
business  in  this  country  upon  an  exclusively 
gold  basis  ....  is  a  proposition  too  ab- 
surd to  be  entitled  to  any  but  mirthful  con- 
sideration. ' ' 

He  referred  to  the  declaration  of  the  Repub- 
lican State  convention  of  1874  for  a  '^policy  of 
specie  resumption  at  such  a  time  as  is  consistent 
with  the  material  and  industrial  interests  of  the 
country,  to  the  end  that  the  volume  of  currency 
may  be  regulated  by  the  natural  laws  of  trade. ' ' 
He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  last  Con- 
gressional convention  of  the  sixth  district 
endorsed  this  policy  and  added  a  statement  in 
favor  of  **  regulating  the  issue  of  currency  so 
as  to  promote  a  return  to  specie  payment  with- 
out producing  a  derangement  of  business." 
Expressing  the  opinion  that  these  declarations 
represented  **the  uniform  doctrine  of  the  Re- 
publican party  in  Iowa  for  years"  and  that 
there  was  nothing  in  them  ^inconsistent  with 
the  National  Republican  Platform '  %  he  added  a 
brief  comment  upon  the  silver  legislation  of 
Congress,  which  he  described  as  ^'a  crime 
against  Providence,  and  the  common  sense  of 
the  age.  This  is  in  keeping  with  the  plan  of  the 
eastern  gold  jobbers,  of  both  parties,  to  bring 
the  west  to  their  feet  as  suppliants  when  the 
crash  shall  come."^^ 

Again,   in   September  there  was  what   The 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  91 

Iowa  State  Register  called  a  '^laconic  cor- 
respondence" between  General  Weaver  and  the 
Greenback  Congressional  convention  in  the  sixth 
district.  Porte  C.  Welch  telegraphed  from 
Oskaloosa  to  General  Weaver  as  follows :  ^^  Will 
you  accept  the  Congressional  nomination  on  the 
Indianapolis  platform,  waiving  choice  for  Pres- 
ident f  To  this  inquiry  General  Weaver 
replied:  ^'No,  I  am  for  Hayes  and  Wheeler, 
Silver  and  Greenbacks".  In  reply  came  the 
question  whether  he  would  ^'accept  the  nomi- 
nation on  the  Indianapolis  platform  and  vote 
for  Hayes  if  you  want  to?"  To  this  telegram 
signed  *^ Moore  and  Ballard",  he  sent  the 
answer  ^^No".^^ 

Evidently  during  1876  Weaver  had  no  idea 
of  leaving  the  Republican  party.  A  receptive 
candidate  for  a  Republican  nomination  to  Con- 
gress, he  abruptly  declined  to  consider  a  Green- 
back nomination.  His  opinions  in  regard  to 
the  currency  seemed  to  him  consistent  with  his 
continued  membership  in  the  Republican  party. 
He  closed  the  campaign  of  that  year  with  a  big 
speech  at  Bloomfield  the  night  before  the  elec- 
tion. As  one  of  his  admirers  later  expressed 
it,  he  was  then  ^^a  red-hot  Republican ".^^ 

In  1877  he  was  mentioned  as  among  the 
strong  men  in  the  field  for  the  nomination  for 
Governor  against  John  H.  Gear,  who  was  re- 
garded by  some  Republicans  as  almost  sure  to 


92  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

be  nominated  by  acclamation.  Yet  there  are  no 
indications  that  Weaver  was  as  keenly  inter- 
ested as  in  1875.  He  attended  the  State  con- 
vention and  was  one  of  the  vice-presidents. 
Mr.  Gear  was  nominated  upon  the  first  formal 
ballot.«« 

General  Weaver  was  ** entirely  satisfied'' 
with  the  position  taken  by  the  Republicans  upon 
the  temperance  question,  and  he  so  declared 
himself  in  a  letter  to  The  Iowa  State  Register. 
He  referred  to  his  '^well  known''  opposition  to 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Gear,  and  said  that  he 
would  support  him  ^* unreservedly",  and  that 
he  had  faith  that  he  would  ''do  nothing  to 
undermine  the  expressed  will  of  his  party." 
He  urged  the  temperance  people  to  ''move  up 
their  forces  and  occupy  the  vantage  ground 
already  conquered.  Consolidate  your  forces  by 
letting  the  world  know  that  you  intend  to  he 
reasonable.''  He  did  not  regard  the  action  of 
the  convention  as  "a  compromise  between  Mr. 
Gear's  supporters  and  the  temperance  men", 
but  as  "an  independent,  honest  and  bold  enun- 
ciation, introduced  and  supported  by  men  who 
were  opposing  Mr.  Gear's  nomination. "^"^ 

The  letter  in  which  General  Weaver  ex- 
pressed himself  satisfied  with  the  position  of 
the  Republican  party  upon  prohibition  and  in 
which  he  declared  his  intention  of  supporting 
Mr.   Gear  was  dated  at  Bloomfield,  July  11, 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  93 

1877.    From  the  same  place  he  wrote  Mr.  Gear 
on  August  29th  the  following  letter: 

Differing,  as  I  do,  so  widely  with  the  Republican 
party  upon  questions  of  finance,  I  find  it  impossible 
for  me  to  go  before  the  people  and  advocate  a  contin- 
uance of  that  policy.  Neither  do  I  feel  that  it  would 
be  right  for  me  to  remain  silent  and  withhold  my 
protest  against  what  I  conceive  to  be  a  gigantic 
wrong.  I  wish,  therefore,  to  be  released  by  you  from 
my  pledge  of  personal  support,  assuring  you,  sin- 
cerely, that  my  action  is  not  dictated  by  considera- 
tions personal  to  yourself.  I  shall  act  with  the  Inde- 
pendents. 

Two  days  later  Mr.  Gear  replied  from  Bur- 
lington as  follows : 

Yours  of  29th  at  hand.  You  ask  me  to  release  you 
from  your  '^pledge  of  personal  support".  Your 
offer  of  support  was  of  your  own  free  will  and  accord 
—  I  accepted  it  as  frankly  as  it  was  offered  and  am 
free  to  say  that  I  was  gratified  by  your  offer. 

I  release  you  from  your  promise  but  regret  —  not 
on  personal  grounds  —  that  you  see  it  to  be  your 
duty  to  leave  the  republican  party  in  which  you  have 
done  such  loyal  service  to  train  in  other  camps.  The 
republican  party  has  done  much  for  the  country  and 
this  is  ample  evidence  to  me  that  it  can  in  the  future 
do  better  by  the  country  than  can  the  '^Independents" 
or  any  other  party  organized  on  what  seems  to  me  to 
be  a  false  basis.^^ 

General  Weaver's  final  break  with  the  Re- 


94  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

publican  party,  with  which  he  had  been  identi- 
fied almost  from  its  birth,  and  in  which  he  had 
attained  a  position  of  leadership,  was  a  dra- 
matic event  fraught  with  results  little  under- 
stood at  the  time  and  for  many  years  there- 
after. His  own  political  experience  had 
brought  home  to  him  the  fact  that  the  Repub- 
lican party  had  ceased  to  be  one  of  high  ideals, 
whose  interests  were  primarily  for  the  people. 
Partisanship,  office-seeking,  and  corruption  had 
replaced  the  self  sacrifice  and  devotion  of 
earlier  years.  Especially  was  it  true  that  cor- 
poration and  financial  interests  seemed  to  be 
more  and  more  in  evidence.  The  fight  for  pro- 
hibition had  apparently  been  largely  won  when 
the  party  adopted  the  policy  officially  in  its 
platform  of  1877,  and  Weaver  himself  seems  to 
have  been  satisfied  for  he  urged  the  extremists 
to  be  reasonable. 

He  had  been  giving  careful  attention  and 
study  to  currency  and  financial  x^roblems  for 
several  years.  These  questions  had  attracted 
popular  interest  through  the  fall  in  the  price  of 
silver  and  because  of  the  controversies  over  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments.  The  formation 
of  a  Greenback  party  in  1876  was  the  result  of 
the  failure  of  the  two  great  parties  to  satisfy 
the  demands  of  those  who  were  opposed  to  the 
demonetization  of  silver,  and  who  favored  the 
continued  use  of  greenbacks.    Both  Hayes  and 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  95 

Tilden  were  known  to  be  hostile  to  the  views  of 
the  ^'Independents''.  The  distresses  due  to  the 
effects  of  the  business  depression  beginning  in 
1873  and  the  difficulties  involved  in  contraction 
were  real  reasons  for  a  careful  consideration  of 
the  monetary  situation.  Bankers  and  business 
men  failed  to  grasp  the  needs  of  the  situation. 
Political  compromises  combined  with  the  in- 
creasing influence  of  corporations  and  financial 
interests  gave  rise  to  suspicions  of  officials  and 
government.  General  Weaver's  retirement 
from  the  Eepublican  party  and  his  alliance  with 
the  Greenbackers  was  only  a  conspicuous  inci- 
dent in  a  period  when  many  persons  were  taking- 
similar  steps.  The  near  approach  to  defeat  of 
the  Eepublicans  in  1876  showed  that  the  oppo- 
sition to  that  party  was  widespread  and  influ- 
ential. 

In  September  and  October,  1877,  General 
Weaver  took  an  active  part  in  the  State  cam- 
paign upon  the  Greenback  side.  Of  course  he 
was  fiercely  assailed  by  the  Eepublican  press  as 
a  renegade,  no  opportunity  being  neglected  to 
ridicule  and  denounce  him.  At  Oskaloosa,  on 
September  21st,  he  engaged  in  a  joint  debate 
with  Marcellus  E.  Cutts,  a  Eepublican  ''of 
great  ability  and  a  man  of  most  extraordinary 
and  brilliant  talents. ' '  According  to  an  account 
of  the  meeting  in  the  Oskaloosa  Herald,  re- 
printed   in    The    Iowa    State    Register,    each 


96  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

speaker  was  to  have  half  an  hour  and  the  whole 
debate  was  to  consume  three  hours,  thus  giving 
each  one  of  the  debaters  three  opportunities  to 
present  his  case.  Cutts  opened  the  discussion, 
and  maintained  his  position  with  great  success, 
while  Weaver  entirely  failed  to  meet  his  telling 
points.  His  part  was  described  as  a  complete 
failure,  and  he  was  advised  ^^to  skip  Oskaloosa 
and  —  Cutts ' ',  when  he  came  that  way  again. 
Weaver's  well  known  ability  as  a  public  speaker 
makes  his  reported  collapse  in  this  connection 
quite  unlikely. 

In  the  same  number  of  The  Register  there 
was  printed  a  dispatch  from  General  Weaver 
to  the  editor,  dated  September  25th,  in  which 
he  referred  to  the  statement  that  Cutts  ''used'' 
him  ''up"  at  Oskaloosa.  His  comment  was, 
"Ask  all  the  people  of  Oskaloosa  outside  of  the 
Herald  office  as  to  the  truth  of  that.  Have 
Cutts  do  it  again"  in  Des  Moines  on  October 
6th.  According  to  The  Register  Weaver  was 
still  "smarting  under  the  argumentative  bat- 
tering ram  of  Hon.  M.  E.  Cutts  at  Oskaloosa, 
and  he  probably  wouldn't  have  felt  so  bad  if 
The  Register  had  not  sent  the  fact  broadcast 
over  the  State."  It  should  be  noted  that 
Weaver  was  the  challenger  for  the  second  de- 
bate —  an  indication  that  he  Avas  not  so  com- 
pletely defeated  as  his  former  Eepublican 
friends  would  like  to  have  it  appear. 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  97 

The  second  debate  at  Des  Moines,  in  the 
opinion  of  The  Register,  was  also  a  ^^  failure '\ 
It  was,  however,  ^^not  all  his  own  failure;  it 
simply  illustrated  the  utter  fallacy  and  the 
complete  weakness  of  the  Greenback  party  .  . 
.  .  With  all  proper  candor,  and  with  all  due 
respect  to  Gen.  Weaver,  who  is  a  most  esti- 
mable gentleman  and  an  able  speaker,  it  is  to  be 
said  that  his  portion  of  the  debate  .... 
was  literally  a  continuous  confession  of  the 
sophistries  of  his  cause,  and  of  his  inability  to 
meet  argument  with  argument,  and  to  match 
logic  with  logic. ' '  Reference  was  made  to  the 
packing  of  the  hall  with  Greenbackers  '  ^  to  come 
to  the  relief  of  Weaver  in  case  of  distress,  and 
by  interruptions  and  questions  to  try  to  throw 
Cutts  oif  his  line  of  argument  and  consume  his 
time ' '.  According  to  this  report  of  the  meeting 
all  these  efforts  completely  failed,  and  the 
victory  of  Cutts  over  Weaver  and  his  sup- 
porters was  overwhelming.^^ 

The  accounts  of  the  two  contests  between 
Cutts  and  Weaver  are  so  plainly  partisan  and 
unfair  to  the  latter  that  little  dependence  can 
be  placed  upon  them.  They  represent  the  atti- 
tude of  persons  who  had  no  sympathy  with  or 
understanding  of  Weaver  ^s  point  of  view. 
Their  hostility  was  also  increased  by  the  bitter 
controversies  aroused  during  the  campaign  —  a 
campaign  made  more  acrimonious  by  Weaver's 

8 


98  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

recent  defection.  His  prominence  in  the  Re- 
publican party  and  his  remarkable  ability  upon 
the  platform  made  his  loss  more  keenly  felt. 
Hence  his  work  for  the  Greenbackers  was  sys- 
tematically and  persistently  underrated  and 
subjected  to  sarcasm  and  ridicule. 

As  already  suggested,  Weaver's  unusual 
power  as  a  public  speaker  makes  it  very  un- 
likely that  he  failed  to  give  a  good  account  of 
himself  in  these  debates.  At  any  rate,  in  the 
opinion  of  many  persons  who  heard  them,  they 
were  the  sensation  of  the  year,  and  General 
Weaver  was  regarded  as  having  the  advantage. 
Cutts  was  a  master  in  ^^  sardonic  ridicule  and 
irritating  invective '',  and  the  contest  between 
him  and  Weaver  was  a  battle  of  wits  con- 
ducted with  great  ability.  So  many  people 
would  not  have  remembered  them  and  the  great 
attention  which  they  attracted  had  they  been  as 
one-sided  as  partisan  Republican  accounts 
would  have  us  believe.^^  Certainly  the  lapse  of 
time  would  not  have  transformed  the  van- 
quished into  the  victor.  Weaver  was  a  pioneer 
and  his  position  was  beyond  the  comprehension 
of  those  who  saw  only  the  partisan  aspects  of 
the  situation.  They  could  not  conceive  of  any 
other  motives  than  those  with  which  they  were 
familiar.  Their  only  weapons  were  ridicule  and 
misrepresentation. 

After  his  election  to  Congress  in  1878  General 


A  REPUBLICAN  LEADER  99 

Weaver  devoted  himself  largely  to  public  af- 
fairs :  his  time  in  the  public  service  was  limited, 
but  he  was  constantly  in  demand  as  a  public 
speaker  and  he  was  active  in  every  political 
campaign.  Consequently,  his  career  as  a  law- 
yer was  subordinated  to  his  public  activities. 
Before  1878,  and  after  his  return  from  military 
service  in  1864,  his  work  as  a  lawyer  seems  to 
have  been  ^^ rather  notable".  From  1866  to 
1870  he  was  district  attorney  and  therefore  a 
party  to  every  suit  of  importance  during  those 
years.  Judge  Eobert  Sloan  of  Keosauqua,  who 
was  circuit  judge  in  the  district  from  1869  to 
1880,  recalls  that  Weaver  had  good  success,  and 
adds  that  ^'the  lawyers  opposing  him  .... 
in  all  the  important  cases,  were  of  more  than 
usual  ability  and  very  resourceful,  and  a  vic- 
tory for  the  state,  could  only  be  won  by  arduous 
effort  on  his  part. 

**As  I  remember'^,  continues  the  Judge,  '*he 
was  regarded  as  an  able  prosecutor,  but  not  a 
persecutor  J  and  gave  good  satisfaction  through- 
out the  District.  He  was  very  courteous  to 
opposing  counsel  and  the  Court,  and  quite  suc- 
cessful in  examining  witnesses,  and  very  able 
in  argument  of  a  case  to  the  jury,  and  eloquent 
when  the  case  was  such  as  to  justify  it.  In  civil 
cases,  he  displayed  the  same  qualities  as  in 
criminal  cases.  After  the  close  of  his  term  as 
District  Attorney,  he  was  engaged  in  practice 


100  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

in  Bloomfield,  but  at  the  same  time  devoted 
much  of  his  time  and  attention  to  politics  and 
public  speaking,  in  which  he  greatly  excelled, 
and  by  reason  thereof  was  not  as  close  a  stu- 
dent of  the  law  as  he  would  otherwise  have 
been.  Had  he  devoted  himself  to  the  law,  there 
is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  he  would  have  be- 
come one  of  the  leading  lawyers  of  the  state. 
He  displayed  excellent  ability  while  he  re- 
mained in  the  practice,  and  was  entitled  to  high 
rank  among  the  lawyers  of  the  District  of  that 
day,  and  there  was  no  better  bar  in  the  state 
than  the  bar  of  the  Second  Judicial  District. ''^^ 


VII 

First  Session  in  Congress 

1879 

The  political  situation  in  1878  in  Iowa  and  in 
the  country  as  a  whole  was  such  as  to  put  the 
Eepublican  party  in  a  position  of  defense. 
Inevitably  some  corruption  had  resulted  from 
long  continuance  in  power;  and  business  de- 
pression had  reacted  upon  it.  No  constructive 
currency  legislation  since  the  Civil  War  had 
been  undertaken:  not  even  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  had  been  accomplished.  There 
was  intense  opposition,  especially  in  the  West, 
to  the  proposed  resumption  for  which  the  Re- 
publicans were  responsible;  inflationists  de- 
manded a  larger  circulation,  which  was  to  be 
made  up  of  silver  or  greenbacks.  The  admin- 
istration of  President  Hayes  had  given  satis- 
faction neither  to  the  politicians  nor  to  the 
independents. 

Under  such  conditions  there  seemed  good 
reason  to  hope  for  the  success  of  a  coalition  of 
Democrats  and  Independents.  General  Weaver 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  campaign  of 
1877  —  which    was    a    State    campaign.      The 

101 


l62:K,        JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

chief  center  of  interest  in  1878  was,  of  course, 
in  the  Congressional  contests.  There  was  con- 
siderable talk  of  the  Democrats  endorsing  the 
Greenback  nominees  for  Congress,  and  General 
Weaver  was  regarded  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Democratic  nomination  in  the  sixth  district.^^ 
The  leading  Greenbackers  favored  fusion  with 
the  Democrats,  but  there  was  a  good  deal  of 
opposition  to  it  in  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party 
—  especially  among  the  editors  of  Greenback 
papers.^^ 

General  Weaver  seems  to  have  been  a  con- 
sistent believer  in  fusion.  Throughout  his 
career,  when  conditions  promised  a  measure  of 
success,  he  favored  the  union  of  the  forces  of 
the  opposition.  The  most  conspicuous  instance 
was  in  1896  when  he  urged  the  union  of  Popu- 
lists and  Democrats  in  support  of  Bryan.  In 
part  this  attitude  was  prompted  by  his  political 
intuition,  and  in  part  it  was  due  to  his  dis- 
inclination to  go  to  extremes.  Thus  as  a  prohi- 
bitionist he  urged  reasonableness  in  1877. 
Acting  on  the  theory  that  the  surest  progress 
was  always  gradual,  he  was  constantly  attacked 
by  the  extremists  for  his  compromises  with 
some  branches  of  the  opposition. 

Actual  and  effective  fusion  in  1878  was 
brought  about  in  only  two  Congressional  dis- 
tricts in  Iowa  —  the  sixth  and  seventh.  In  the 
former  Weaver  was  elected  over  his  old  op- 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         103 

ponent,  Sampson,  by  a  vote  of  16,366  to  14,308 ; 
in  the  latter,  the  Des  Moines  district,  E.  H. 
Gillette  was  elected  by  a  vote  of  16,474  over  the 
Eepublican  candidate  who  received  15,546 
votes.  On  the  State  ticket  four  Democratic 
candidates  were  withdrawn  late  in  September 
and  four  Greenback  candidates  substituted; 
but  this  fusion  arrangement  was  of  little  im- 
portance since  it  did  not  result  in  any  successes 
at  the  polls.  The  significant  victories  in  low^a 
in  1878  were  those  of  Weaver  and  Gillette  in 
the  Congressional  districts.^* 

As  already  noted.  General  Weaver  had  been 
a  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  sixth  district 
for  a  number  of  years.  Defeated  in  1874  and 
1876  by  Sampson  for  the  Republican  nomina- 
tion, he  carried  the  district  in  1878  by  a  plural- 
ity of  over  2,000.  The  victory,  coming  as  it  did 
so  soon  after  his  change  of  parties,  was  a 
notable  one.  Undoubtedly  it  was  facilitated 
somewhat  by  his  personal  record  and  the  belief 
that  he.  had  been  unfairly  treated  in  the  past  by 
his  former  party  associates.  At  any  rate  his 
success  was  a  personal  endorsement  of  which 
he  might  well  be  proud.  It  indicated  clearly  his 
personal  strength,  and  also  showed  that  there 
was  a  very  considerable  support  for  the  point 
of  view  in  politics  which  he  represented. 

The  Republicans  made  a  great  deal  of  talk 
about  what  they  called  the  ^*  Corrupt  Weaver 


104  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Bargain"  with  the  Democrats.  They  claimed 
that  he  had  agreed  to  give  up  ^  *  the  platform  he 
had  helped  to  make  at  Toledo"  and  act  with 
the  Democrats  in  everything  except  finance.  In 
return  for  these  concessions  the  Democrats 
were  to  nominate  no  candidate  for  Congress  in 
the  sixth  district,  thus  leaving  their  party  mem- 
bers free  to  vote  for  General  Weaver.  It  was 
said  that  he  wanted  a  direct  nomination  by  the 
Democrats,  and  was  disappointed  when  he  did 
not  receive  it.  The  bitter  partisanship  of  the 
period  makes  it  difficult  to  disentangle  truth 
from  falsehood.  Undoubtedly  there  was  some 
understanding  in  regard  to  joint  action,  since 
General  Weaver  was  at  the  Democratic  con- 
vention at  Ottumwa  and  was  invited  to  speak 
but  declined  because  some  of  his  Democrat 
friends  and  some  of  his  Greenback  associates 
thought  he  had  better  not  do  so.^-^ 

Judge  H.  H.  Trimble,  one  of  the  Democratic 
leaders,  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  inquiry  in 
regard  to  Weaver,  described  him  as  having  left 
the  Republican  party  for  good  because  he  re- 
garded it  '^as  having  sold  out  to  the  bond- 
holding  and  gold  interests  of  the  world,  and  as 
utterly  abandoned  to  all  popular  interests  and 
rights."  He  had  not  given  up  '^his  convictions 
as  to  slavery  and  the  war,  but  regards  that  as 
finally  settled/'  He  was  fully  satisfied  with 
Hayes's  policy  as  to  home  rule  in  the  South. 


104  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Bargain*'  with  the  Den  Hx         .     ,  i^     , ™jd 

that  he  had  agreed  to  v  Ulie  platform  he 

had  helped  to  mak  »"  and  act  with 

the  Democrat  cept  finance.    In 

return   for  *  :    the   Democrats 

were  to  i  >  candidate  for  Congress  in 

the  sixth  district,  thus  leav'  r  party  mem- 

T3er8  free  to  vote  for  Geninai  r.    It  was 

said  that  he  wanted  a  direct  n  m  by  the 

ts,  and  was  disappointed  when  he  did 

eceive  it.    The  bitter  partisanship  of  the 

period  makes  it  difficult  to  disentangle  truth 

from  f.il^ehood.    Undoubtedly  there  was  some 

riding  in  regard  to  joint  action,  since 
ai  Weaver  was  at  the  Democratic  con- 
N '  i  ijon  at  Ottumwa 'anii  was'  iiivifed  to  speak 
hut  declined  because  some  of  his  Democrat 
friends  and  some  of  his  Greenback  associates 
til  ought  he  had  better  not  do  so.^^' 

Judge  H.  H.  Trimble,  one  of  tht-  i  >«Mfiocratic 
leaders,  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  inquiry  in 
regard  to  Weaver,  described  h  wing  left 

the  1  an  party  for  good  b<  lie  re- 

'  having  sold  out   u>   ui<-  bond- 

1  interests  of  the  world,  and  as 
ui  loned  to  all  popular  int(  id 

riyli;  1  not  given  up  **his  convictions 

as  to  ^.ii.  ■  ''^  "  '  ".  but  regards  that  as 

finally  ,9r  fully  satisfied  with 

Hayes's  policy  .  the  South. 


lAJfES   BAIRD    WEAVER 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         105 

If  elected,  runs  the  Trimble  letter,  General 
Weaver  ^'expects  to  labor  for  a  reform  in 
finances,  and  will  co-operate  with  such  men, 
as  believe  with  himself  in  regard  to  finances, 
and  when  he  cannot  find,  on  any  given  meas- 
ure, such  men,  will  act  with  those  who  come 
nearest  his  views.  He  expects  to  co-operate 
with  the  Democrats  as  against  the  Republican 
organization,  and  will  assist  the  Democrats  in 
the  organization  of  the  House."  He  was  a 
Democrat  before  the  Civil  War  and  had  always 
been  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff. 

'^He  is  not  an  extremist  on  currency,"  con- 
tinues the  letter,  ^^does  not  believe  in  unlimited 
inflation,  and  thinks  we  ought  to  have  an  in- 
crease of  currency,  either  by  full  silver  coinage 
or  more  greenbacks;  is  opposed  to  making  the 
nation  pay  interest,  directly  or  indirectly,  on  its 
currency,  and  is  opposed  to  any  policy  looking 
to  the  creation  of  a  perpetual  debt."^** 

At  the  time  of  his  first  election  to  Congress 
in  1878  these  views  probably  represent  General 
Weaver's  opinions  stated  in  a  conservative  way 
to  avoid  unnecessary  offense  to  possible  sup- 
porters w^ho  might  differ  in  unessential  mat- 
ters. The  distinctive  features  of  his  views 
centered  around  finance. 

Two  editorials  in  The  Iowa  State  Register 
expressed  the  opinions  of  his  former  party 
associates  in  re£:ard  to  his  election  to  Congress. 


106  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

The  first  described  the  election  of  General 
Weaver  as  *^not  so  objectionable  as  that  of 
Gillette,  for  the  General  has  far  more  to  com- 
mend him  personally,  and  much  more  to  fit  him 
for  service  in  Congress,  and  is  in  every  respect 
more  a  man  of  honor '\  A  second  editorial 
compared  the  results  in  Iowa  and  Maine,  in 
each  of  which  States  two  Republican  Congress- 
men were  lost,  and  pointed  out  the  ^^  striking 
coincidence'^  that  in  both  States  ^'one  of  the 
two  Greenbackers  elected"  was  '^a  man  of  good 
record  and  honor  personally,  and  with  the  qual- 
ifications of  integrity  and  capacity  to  fit  him 
for  Congress,  like  Weaver  here  —  and  the  oth- 
er, Murch,  like  Gillette  here  ....  an 
avowed  Communist,  a  dishonest  agitator' \^'^ 

Probably  the  extreme  statements  about  Gil- 
lette were  due  to  the  fact  that  he  had  defeated 
the  candidate  of  the  party  of  which  The  loiva 
State  Register  was  the  official  organ.  The 
remarks  about  General  Weaver  represented  the 
feelings  of  former  party  associates  who  had 
had  ample  occasion  to  observe  his  ability  and 
qualifications.  In  addition,  Gillette  was  a 
wealthy  Easterner  who  had  made  his  home  for 
only  a  short  time  in  Des  Moines  and  could  there- 
fore be  regarded  somewhat  as  an  intruder.  In 
any  event  General  Weaver's  opponents  were 
compelled  to  admit  his  preeminent  fitness  for 
service  in  Congress. 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         107 

In  December,  1878,  a  Greenback  conference 
called  by  the  State  Committee  met  at  Des 
Moines  to  discuss  fusion  with  the  Democrats. 
The  conference  lasted  all  day,  and  in  the  even- 
ing a  public  meeting  was  held  at  the  Court 
House.  There  were  a  number  of  speakers,  in- 
cluding General  Weaver  who  declared  that 
clubs  must  be  formed  in  every  township  in  Iowa 
for  the  next  campaign:  organization  must  be 
the  motto.  Opponents  of  fusion  said  only  a 
few  persons  were  invited  who  were  known  to 
favor  fusion.  The  only  reporter  present  repre- 
sented The  State  Leader,  the  official  organ  of 
the  Democrats.  A  chairman  of  the  State  Com- 
mittee was  chosen  outside  of  the  membership 
to  get  a  man  favorable  to  fusion.  The  con- 
ference was  described  **as  a  fraud,  a  cheat  and 
a  swindle  ".^^ 

The  Forty-sixth  Congress  was  called  in  spe- 
cial session  in  March,  1879,  because  of  the 
failure  of  the  preceding  Congress  to  pass  the 
necessary  appropriation  bills  —  an  outcome  of 
the  conflict  between  the  executive  and  legisla- 
tive branches  of  the  government  over  the  Presi- 
dent's policy  in  regard  to  the  South.  As  in  the 
two  preceding  Congresses  the  Democrats  had  a 
majority  in  the  lower  House;  there  was  also  a 
small  representation  of  Nationals  or  Green- 
backers,  to  which  group  General  Weaver  be- 
longed.   The  combined  Kepublican  and  Green- 


108  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

back  membership  of  the  House  was  only  144, 
while  the  Democrats  had  149  members;  and  so 
the  organization  of  that  body  was  effected 
without  the  aid  of  the  Greenbackers,^^  who  cast 
their  votes  for  Hendrick  B.  Wright  for  Speak- 
er. James  A.  Garfield  was  the  Republican 
candidate ;  and  Samuel  J.  Randall,  the  success- 
ful Democratic  nominee. 

In  the  committee  assignments  General 
Weaver  received  appointments  upon  the  com- 
mittee on  elections  and  the  committee  on 
expenditures  in  the  Treasury  Department.^^^ 
It  was  evident  from  the  first  that  his  position 
in  Congress  must  depend  entirely  upon  his 
personality  and  ability  unaided  by  party  affili- 
ations and  seriously  handicapped  by  his  con- 
nection with  an  independent  or  third  party.  A 
member  of  a  minority  of  a  minority  had  little 
chance  for  a  display  of  his  ability,  and  little 
hope  of  recognition  upon  his  merits. 

General  Weaver's  first  speech  was  made  on 
April  4,  1879,  in  the  debate  in  the  committee  of 
the  w^hole  upon  the  army  appropriation  bill  with 
special  reference  to  the  use  of  Federal  troops 
at  elections  in  the  South.  The  debate  was  a 
continuation  of  a  controversy  which  had  arisen 
in  the  preceding  Congress  and  involved  par- 
ticularly a  discussion  of  the  new  policy  in  re- 
gard to  the  South.  It  had  been  the  occasion 
for  the  failure  of  the  last  Congress  to  enact  the 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         109 

usual  appropriation  bills.  General  Weaver's 
participation  in  the  discussion  enabled  him  to 
make  plain  his  own  position  and  that  of  the 
Greenback  group  upon  this  as  well  as  upon 
other  more  or  less  connected  subjects. 

By  way  of  introduction  Weaver  declared 
that  the  people  of  the  country  had  ^'witnessed 
for  many  years  with  painful  impatience  the 
continuation  of  ...  .  sectional  strife." 
He  then  referred  to  the  fact  that  ^^the  same 
eternal  broil ' '  had  been  kept  up  during  the  two 
preceding  Congresses.  ^^And  now  in  this  first 
and  extraordinary  session  of  the  Forty-sixth 
Congress,  when  the  people  are  confidently  look- 
ing for  substantial  relief,  the  same  old  difficulty 
is  again  introduced  and  weeks  of  precious  time 
are  being  wasted  in  the  discussion.     .     .     . 

'*!  have  changed  my  mind  entirely  as  to  the 
remedy  necessary  to  drive  away  from  the  pol- 
itics of  this  country  this  disturber  of  our  peace. 
I  .  .  .  .  was  a  republican  for  twenty-one 
years.  As  soon  as  I  obtained  my  majority 
almost  I  joined  that  party  and  fought  in  an 
humble  way  both  at  home  and  in  the  field  to 
ingraft  upon  the  laws  of  the  country  the  meas- 
ures which  I  believed  w^ere  rightfully  advanced 
by  that  organization.  But  in  my  opinion  no 
remedy  applied  merely  to  the  surface  of  this 
wound  will  give  the  people  permanent  peace. 
We  must  have   constitutional   treatment   that 


110  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

will  remove  even  the  cause  of  the  disease,  and 
this  makes  it  necessary  to  have  a  change  of 
physicians. ' ' 

Congressman  Weaver  next  expressed  amaze- 
ment at  the  reference  of  a  member  of  the  House 
the  day  before  **to  the  hereditary  right  of  the 
democracy  to  rule'^  and  the  comparison  of 
^'that  party  to  the  children  of  Israel  in  their 
wanderings  from  Egypt  to  the  promised  land 
.  .  .  .  Upon  reflection  I  thought  there 
might  be  some  similarity,  but  I  did  not  know 
but  he  had  mistaken  the  army  of  Pharoah  for 
that  of  Israel.  Let  us,  however,  notice  the 
similarity  between  the  children  of  Israel  and 
the  democratic  party.  The  democracy  have 
succeeded  in  getting  their  Joshua  into  the 
Senate  and  their  Caleb  into  the  House,  but 
thousands  of  their  carcasses  have  fallen  in  the 
wilderness  on  their  way  to  the  Canaan  of  their 
hopes.  And  I  say  to  him  and  to  the  gentlemen 
on  that  side  of  the  House  that  their  Moses  in 
1880  will  die  on  Mount  Nebo,  especially  if  he 
should  be  a  hard-money  Moses.  .  .  .  The 
new  Moses,  if  he  represent  sectional  strife  and 
the  financial  views  which  are  now  starving  the 
people  of  this  country,  will  perish  also  without 
realizing  his  exalted  hope;  but  not  because  he 
struck  the  rock  from  which  the  water  was  to 
issue,  but  because  he  and  his  friends  have 
joined  hands  across  this  aisle  with  the  hard- 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         HI 

money  men  on  the  republican  side  of  the  House 
to  dry  up  the  fountains  of  the  prosperity  of 
the  people." 

^^Sir,  gentlemen  talk  about  revolution  —  the 
eloquent  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Garfield] 
did  so  on  last  Saturday  in  the  most  adroit  and 
forcible  manner.  I  say  to  this  House  that  if  by 
the  continuation  of  sectional  strife  and  the 
withholding  of  substantial  relief  you  force  the 
people  to  much  longer  *eat  the  bread  of  idle- 
ness', it  will  not  be  long  before  they  will  thirst 
for  the  ^wine  of  violence  \  There  is  where  the 
danger  of  revolution  is  to  be  looked  for.  It 
does  not  come  from  the  defeated  confederacy, 
it  does  not  come  from  the  gentlemen  on  my 
right,  primarily;  but  it  comes  from  the  uneasy 
masses  who  are  out  of  employment  to-day,  and 
out  of  food  and  destitute  of  raiment.  It  comes 
from  those  through  whose  enforced  idleness  the 
country  is  now  losing  more  per  diem  than  it 
cost  to  put  down  the  rebellion  at  its  most  ex- 
pensive period. 

*^Sir,  I  want  it  distinctly  understood  that 
cotton  is  no  longer  king  in  this  country,  nor  is 
gold,  but  that  the  laboring-man,  the  industrial 
classes  are  sovereign,  and  their  behests  must 
be  obeyed,  and  be  obeyed  speedily.  It  is  un- 
questionably the  duty  of  the  industrial  classes, 
by  means  of  the  ballot,  to  speedily  take  the 
Government  into  their  own  hands,  but  in  doing 
so  to  do  justice  to  all." 


112  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Eeturning  to  what  lie  called  ''this  unpardon- 
able sectional  strife^',  Weaver  stated  that  he 
believed  that  the  old  parties  were  incapable  of 
giving  relief  to  the  country.  It  takes  ''ten  or 
fifteen  years  to  develop  the  leaders  of  a  great 
party,  and  fully  as  long  to  shake  them  loose 
again;  and  it  is  never  done,  and  history  will 
bear  me  out  in  that  statement,  except  by  move- 
ment from  without  that  crushes  the  organiza- 
tions over  which  they  dominate.  This  is  the 
only  method  through  which  the  people  can 
gather  the  fruitage  of  advanced  civilization. 
.  .  .  .  A  new  organization  must  do  it,  and 
the  Lord  is  raising  up  that  party  now.  The 
workmen  are  all  at  work  in  the  quarries,  and 
every  block  in  the  temple  shall  be  peace.  As  an 
humble  representative  of  the  national  green- 
back party,  I  feel  great  solicitude  that  it  shall 
commence  to  build  on  solid  foundations;  and  I 
say  here  to  the  gentlemen  on  the  right  and  on 
the  left  that  the  national  greenback  party  wants 
neither  soldiers  nor  bulldozers  at  the  polls''. 

After  several  interruptions  and  questions,  to 
which  Congressman  Weaver  replied  amid 
laughter  and  applause,  he  closed  his  speech  by 
saying  that  unless  there  was  passed  at  that 
session,  "first,  a  law  for  the  unrestricted  coin- 
age of  silver ;  second,  a  law  for  the  substitution 
of  greenbacks  for  national-bank  notes ;  third,  a 
law  stopping  the  further  increase  of  the  bonded 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         113 

debt  and  providing  for  the  speedy  payment  of 
the  debt  now  outstanding;  fourth,  a  law  liber- 
ating the  ^Ye  hundred  or  more  millions  now 
lying  idle  in  the  Treasury;  fifth,  give  to  the 
people  an  opportunity  to  escape  from  the  im- 
pending loss  of  their  homes ;  unless  these  things 
be  done  at  this  session,  very  few  of  the  gentle- 
men who  occupy  seats  upon  this  floor  will  ever 
see  them  again. 

^^Our  people  out  West  do  not  like  the  combat 
to  which  you  summon  them,  nor  the  feast  that 
you  set  before  them,  nor  yet  the  contrast  that 
exists  between  the  inflation  mortgages  upon 
their  farms  and  the  resumption  hogs  they  are 
forced  to  sell.  There  is  too  great  a  contrast 
between  them.  There  is  a  screw  loose  in  Fed- 
eral legislation,  and  the  people  have  found 
where  it  is.  They  have  learned  that  these 
parties  [Eepublican  and  Democratic]  are 
recreant  to  their  trust  and  are  not  legislating 
for  their  interests. 

^^Let  us  act  as  Eepresentatives  of  the  whole 
people,  and  not  as  politicians,  nor  for  the  rings 
and  cliques  of  the  country.  "^^^ 

This  first  speech  in  Congress  was  very  illu- 
minating. It  not  only  gave  General  Weaver  an 
opportunity  to  declare  his  views  upon  public 
questions,  but  it  also  gave  him  a  chance  to  dis- 
play his  ability  as  a  debater.  His  ready  use  of 
scriptural  references  and  quotations  was  espe- 


114  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

cially  noticeable:  liis  deeply  religious  nature 
was  never  concealed  in  his  public  service.  The 
success  of  his  first  appearance  may  be  inferred 
from  statements  made  in  Iowa  papers  in  which 
it  was  declared  to  be  the  first  time  the  sixth 
district  had  been  heard  from  in  Congress  since 
its  organization  in  its  then  existing  form. 
Indeed,  such  was  the  impression  made  that 
Congressman  Weaver  was  invited  by  the  mayor 
and  other  citizens  of  New  York  to  speak  at 
Cooper  Institute  on  April  30th.i<^- 

General  Weaver  had  voiced  ideas  and  prin- 
ciples in  Congress  that  were  little  regarded  at 
the  time.  The  contrast  between  the  reception 
given  his  views  in  1879,  and  the  attitude  of  the 
two  great  parties  in  recent  years  towards 
social  politics,  is  the  measure  of  the  progress 
made  in  the  intervening  period.  The  pioneer 
of  1879  is  now  seen  to  have  been  a  farsighted 
leader. 

Again  on  April  10th  Weaver  took  part  in  a 
debate  in  regard  to  the  proper  disposition  of 
$10,000,000  held  in  the  Treasury  to  redeem 
fractional  currency.  The  debate  was  an  inci- 
dent in  the  discussion  of  appropriations  for  the 
Pension  Bureau  in  connection  with  the  legis- 
lative appropriation  bill.  On  account  of  an 
impending  deficit  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
had  proposed  an  issue  of  four  per  cent  bonds. 
Opponents  of  this  recommendation  urged  that 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         115 

the  $10,000,000  referred  to  was  idle  money,  and 
could  safely  be  used  because  of  the  small 
amount  of  fractional  paper  currency  in  circu- 
lation, and  also  because  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  was  authorized  to  exchange  $10,- 
000,000  of  subsidiary  silver  coins  for  the 
$10,000,000  of  paper  money.  Mr.  James  A. 
Garfield  and  Mr.  John  A.  McMahon  of  Ohio 
were  the  principal  speakers.  Weaver  sup- 
ported the  position  taken  by  Mr.  McMahon  who 
argued  for  the  use  of  the  $10,000,000;  while 
Mr.  Garfield  opposed  it  on  grounds  of  sound 
financial  policy. 

Congressman  Weaver  thought  it  ^^unques- 
tioned that  the  $346,000,000  of  legal-tender 
notes  outstanding"  included  ^Hhe  $10,000,000 
held  in  the  Treasury  for  the  redemption  of  the 
fractional  currency",  and  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  was  ^'abundantly  able  to  redeem 
all  the  fractional  currency"  as  it  came  in  with 
fractional  silver.  The  suggestion  of  Mr.  Gar- 
field that  the  law  passed  on  May  31,  1878, 
requiring  the  Secretary  to  pay  out  greenbacks 
as  they  came  in  under  the  Resumption  Act,  was 
simply  a  law  to  make  certain  what  before  was 
uncertain  was  not  true.  ''The  resumption  law 
was  a  bold  attempt  to  convert  every  greenback 
into  interest-bearing  debt  and  then  to  destroy 
them  ....  under  the  resumption  act  the 
Secretarv  of  the  Treasurv  was  destroying  the 


116  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

greenbacks,  every  one  that  came  into  Ms  hands. 
This  law  was  passed  ....  to  prevent  the 
further  destruction  of  greenbacks;  and  it 
further  provides  that  he  should  pay  them  out 
and  keep  them  in  circulation.  This  amendment 
does  not  change  existing  law.  Why  keep  on 
hoarding  them?  Why  keep  them  there  to  re- 
deem fractional  currency  w^hen  there  is  no 
necessity,  when  you  have  plenty  of  fractional 
silver  currency  to  redeem  them?  It  is  a  mere 
trick  of  the  Secretary  to  avoid  the  plain  object 
of  the  law  and  to  circumvent  public  sentiment. 

^  ^  Now,  the  policy  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
[Mr.  Garfield]  is  this :  to  issue  bonds  to  get 
money  to  pay  the  arrearages  of  pensions,  while 
ours  is  to  issue  the  idle  greenbacks  now  in  the 
Treasury  and  save  to  the  people  this  enormous 
and  unnecessary  increase  of  the  public  debt.''^^^ 

On  May  8,  1879,  Weaver  interposed  remarks 
in  a  debate  upon  a  free  coinage  bill.  Congress- 
man H.  G.  Fisher  of  Pennsylvania,  a  hard- 
money  advocate,  opposed  the  measure  upon  the 
usual  grounds  that  gold  would  be  driven  out  of 
circulation  and  the  country  would  have  only 
silver.  He  referred  sarcastically  to  a  bill  intro- 
duced by  a  Greenbacker,  Mr.  Gilbert  De  La 
Matyr  of  Indiana,  asking  for  $1,000,000,000, 
saying  that  he  Avanted  the  same  amount  for  a 
few  constituents  ^'for  the  laudable  purpose  of 
constructing  a  narrow-gauge  air-line  railway  to 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         117 

the  moon,  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  that 
luminary  is  made  of  green  cheese. ' '  Mr.  Fisher 
declared  that  he  wanted  to  say  to  the  gentleman 
from  Iowa  that  he  was  elected  by  his  constitu- 
ents upon  a  gold  platform  and  that  he  had  car- 
ried his  district  the  first  time  it  was  ever 
carried  by  the  Republicans.  In  reply  Weaver 
said,  *^That  is  good.  I  carried  mine  the  other 
way  for  the  first  time.''^^^ 

General  Weaver's  longest  speech  during  the 
first  session  of  his  service  in  Congress  was  de- 
livered on  May  9,  1879,  in  connection  with  a 
discussion  over  a  bill  for  the  free  coinage  of 
silver.  He  declared,  in  beginning  his  address, 
that  the  consideration  of  *^  systems  of  finance 
for  a  great  government"  was  an  important 
matter,  but  that  he  had  not  been  highly  im- 
pressed with  the  manner  in  which  those  opposed 
to  the  bill  had  discussed  the  question.  ^*They 
seem  to  regard  the  bill  as  an  unwarranted  in- 
trusion upon  the  rights  of  somebody.  They 
attack  it  alternately  with  levity,  sarcasm,  and 
abuse.  It  is  a  question  that  ought  to  be  dis- 
cussed in  the  light  of  the  Constitution,  the 
necessities  of  our  people,  and  the  present  con- 
dition of  public  affairs.'* 

Two  facts,  he  said,  impressed  him  forcibly  at 
the  commencement  of  the  discussion:  "silver 
and  gold  have  been  used  as  money  from  the 
foundation   of  human   society",   and   there   is 


118  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

*  *  about  an  equal  amount  of  gold  and  silver  bul- 
lion in  the  world. ' '  Opposition  to  the  remoneti- 
zation  of  silver  can  only  be  based  upon  ^'the 
position  that  there  is  too  much  metal  money  in 
the  world  ....  The  annual  gold  product 
throughout  the  whole  earth  at  this  time  is  about 
$100,000,000,  (and  it  is  rapidly  declining,) 
barely  enough,  if  we  could  command  it  all,  to 
pay  the  annual  interest  of  the  bonded  debt  of 
the  United  States  alone.  If  we  are  to  demone- 
tize silver,  and  have  no  power  to  create  a  legal- 
tender  paper  money,  it  will  be  readily  perceived 
that  the  proposition  is  to  hitch  the  car  of  Amer- 
ican progress  and  American  civilization  to  this 
decreasing  product,  and  this  will  lead  us  into 
inevitable  decline  and  pauperism." 

General  Weaver  maintained  that  Congress 
had  no  power  to  prohibit  silver  coinage  and 
that  the  law  passed  in  1873  was  consequently 
unconstitutional.  In  referring  to  the  more 
recent  claim  that  the  demonetization  of  silver 
in  1873  was  *^an  accident,  and  was  not  inten- 
tional'', he  said  that  if  the  excuse  was  a  true 
one,  the  proposal  to  reinstate  silver  as  legal- 
tender  money  would  not  be  opposed.  ^^The 
animus  of  the  demonetization  of  silver  is  dis- 
closed by  the  opposition  which  its  remonetiza- 
tion  has  met  with  and  is  now  meeting  with.  In 
reality  and  in  truth,  silver  was  demonetized  in 
the  interest  ....  of  a  certain  class  of 
men  in  this  and  in  other  countries. 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         119 

''It  is  very  remarkable,  wlien  you  come  to 
read  the  history  of  the  demonetization  of  metal 
money,  that  that  metal  which  is  the  more  abun- 
dant is  always  demonetized  .  .  .  .  it  is  a 
remarkable  circumstance  that  demonetization 
in  the  Old  World  is  coincident  in  point  of  time 
with  demonetization  in  this  country.  And  the 
w^ar  upon  silver  is  made  by  the  same  class  of 
men  the  world  over,  namely,  those  having  fixed 
incomes  and  who  complain  that  the  value  of 
their  incomes  will  be  depreciated  in  proportion 
to  the  increase  in  the  value  of  property.  I  want 
these  facts  to  be  well  understood  by  the  people 
who  own  the  great  bulk  of  the  labor  and  prop- 
erty of  this  country.  I  want  them  to  distinctly 
understand  that  the  conflict  is  between  money 
on  the  one  hand  and  all  other  kinds  of  property 
on  the  other.     .     .     . 

' '  I  am  as  much  opposed  as  any  member  here 
to  worthless  money,  to  depreciated  money,  but 
unquestionably  it  is  the  interest  of  the  great 
mass  of  our  people  that  we  should  have  cheap 
money  and  dear  property;  I  do  not  mean 
worthless  money,  but  I  mean  cheap  money  as 
compared  with  the  property  which  it  buys. 
Property  is  held  by  the  many  and  money  by  the 
few;  and  if  the  Government  is  to  be  adminis- 
tered in  the  interest  of  the  many,  then  my  prop- 
osition is  correct.  I  want  good  money,  but 
cheap  money  and  dear  property.    We  have  just 


120  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  reverse  of  this  to-day ;  we  have  cheap  prop- 
erty and  dear  money.  Money  to-day  is  master 
and  king  in  America,  and  property  goes  beg- 
ging and  is  at  a  discount." 

In  the  next  place  reference  was  made  to  the 
fact  that  England,  'Hhe  greatest  bondholding 
nation  upon  the  earth,''  was  the  first  to  de- 
monetize silver.  ^'The  money  dealers  of  Ger- 
many, England,  and  the  United  States  own  the 
bulk  of  the  funded  debt  of  the  world,  which  now 
amounts  to  about  thirty-two  thousand  millions, 
mostly  contracted  in  flush  times. 

*  ^  Capitalists  readily  saw  that  if  they  could 
strike  down  as  legal-tender  money  one-half  of 
the  metal  money  of  the  earth  and  make  this 
enormous  funded  debt  payable  in  gold  alone,  it 
would  be  greatly  to  their  advantage.  The  people 
should  thoroughly  understand  this  also.  They 
are  beginning  to  understand  it,  and  are  every- 
where and  almost  unanimously  demanding  that 
silver  shall  be  thoroughly  reinstated.  Thus  we 
are  brought  face  to  face  with  the  great  fact  that 
demonetization  was  the  result  of  a  great  inter- 
national conspiracy,  inaugurated  by  men  who 
had  fixed  incomes  as  against,  and  to  the  detri- 
ment of  those  who  own  the  great  bulk  of  the 
property  of  the  world. ' ' 

After  a  number  of  questions  were  asked  and 
answered.  General  Weaver  turned  to  a  consid- 
eration  of  the  national   banking   system   and 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         121 

showed  that  if  it  was  to  be  permanent  '  ^  then  of 
necessity  the  bond  system  must  be  permanent 
also  ....  Hence  you  have  ingrafted 
upon  this  Government  as  another  step  in  the 
great  conspiracy  the  system  of  permanent 
national  banks  and  permanent  national  debt'\ 
As  another  reason  for  opposing  national  banks 
he  referred  to  their  power  to  contract  the  cur- 
rency at  their  pleasure  in  accordance  with  the 
demands  of  trade.  He  maintained  that  the 
elasticity  obtained  at  the  option  of  the  banks 
constituted  one  of  the  greatest  objections  to 
the  system. 

General  Weaver  also  declared  that  '  ^  resump- 
tion was  another  step  in  the  great  scheme  which 
included  the  demonetization  of  silver.  The  re- 
sumption act  was  one  of  the  trinity  of  infamies 
fastened  upon  the  American  people  by  that 
diabolical  plot.  What  was  the  plea  for  that 
act?  It  was  that  we  should  pay  our  honest 
debts,  that  we  should  pay  the  debt  created  by 
the  greenback.  This  was  the  plea  of  the  repub- 
lican party  all  over  the  country;  that  the  Gov- 
ernment ought  to  pay  its  honest  debts.  I  wish 
to  show  right  here  and  now  the  hypocrisy  of 
that  declaration.  I  say  that  the  resumption  act 
was  not  passed  for  the  purpose  of  paying  our 
honest  debts,  but  for  the  purpose  of  increasing 
the  bonded  debt  of  the  country. ' ' 

In    conclusion    he    referred   to    the    abusive 


122  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

methods  used  by  the  opposition  in  Congress  and 
by  the  press  against  the  Greenbackers.  "It 
makes  the  syndicate  and  subsidized  press  as 
mad  to  see  a  greenbacker  in  Congress  as  it  does 
a  bull  to  shake  a  red  flag  at  him. ' '  ^^^ 

A  contemporary  newspaper  account  of  Con- 
gressman Weaver's  speech  will  give  some  idea 
of  the  impression  made  by  him  in  Congress 
during  his  first  session  of  service.  According 
to  this  report  his  speech  in  April  "made  him 
such  a  reputation  as  a  debater  and  a  man  of 
ability"  that  he  was  sure  of  an  attentive  hear- 
ing whenever  he  desired  to  speak.  When  it 
became  known  that  he  had  prepared  a  careful 
speech  reviewing  the  whole  scheme  of  Repub- 
lican bank  and  bond  legislation,  there  was  a 
general  desire  to  hear  him.  As  soon  as  he 
began  to  speak  members  from  all  parts  of  the 
house  crowded  into  the  seats  near  him.  His 
own  seat  was  "next  to  the  center  aisle,  three 
seats  from  the  front,  the  most  available  place 
in  the  House.''  The  galleries  were  well  filled 
at  the  beginning  and  the  numbers  increased  as 
he  proceeded. 

"As  the  speaker  gradually  opened  the 
theme",  continues  the  account,  "and  step  by 
step,  exposed  and  denounced  the  wicked  legis- 
lation of  the  Republican  party,  drawing  hearty 
applause  at  every  turn,  it  was  amusing  to  see 
the  syndicate  fellows  on  the  Republican  side 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         123 

wince  and  gnash  their  teeth.  Finally,  angered 
to  a  perfect  fit  of  frenzy,  they  began  to  inter- 
rupt the  speaker  with  questions.  But  they  were 
answered  so  quickly,  candidly  and  effectually, 
that  they  could  not  retain  their  anger,  and  as 
many  as  ten  or  a  dozen  would  be  up  propound- 
ing questions  at  the  same  time.  Finally,  Gen. 
Weaver,  who  preserved  his  good  temper 
throughout,  remarked  that  he  was  perfectly 
willing  to  answer  all  the  questions  that  anybody 
might  care  to  ask,  but  he  suggested  that  it 
caused  too  great  confusion  to  have  the  whole 
syndicate  propounding  questions  at  the  same 
time.  This  raised  a  general  laugh  and  took  the 
wind  completely  out  of  the  whole  horde.  "^^^ 

It  was  on  May  15,  1879,  that  Congressman 
Hiram  Price  of  Iowa  commented  upon  Weaver's 
speech  which  had  been  delivered  during  his 
absence.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  men- 
tioned the  fact  that  he  had  the  printed  speech 
before  him.  He  wanted  to  show,  he  said,  that 
^^the  whole  tendency  of  the  debate''  was  ^^to 
create  unrest,  uneasiness,  dissatisfaction,  un- 
certainty" in  monetary  and  commercial  affairs. 
He  was  ^^a  silver-dollar  man,  and  in  favor  of 
the  silver  dollar  of  412%  grains."  He  refused 
to  allow  Mr.  Weaver  to  interrupt  in  a  five- 
minute  speech.  He  could  take  his  own  time  and 
he  would  answer  any  speech  or  question  that  he 
might  ask.     He  reiterated  his  statement  that 


124  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

such  a  debate  as  they  were  engaged  in  was  un- 
settling the  business  of  the  country  and  making 
the  people  uneasy  and  dissatisfied.  ^^  To-day  a 
day's  labor  will  buy  more  of  anything  that  a 
man  eats  or  wears  than  it  ever  would  at  any 
time  in  the  last  fifty  years  of  the  history  of  this 
country. ' '  ^^"^ 

During  the  voting  upon  various  sections  of  the 
silver  coinage  bill  on  May  21st  General  Weaver 
offered  an  amendment  directing  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  to  pay  out  ^^  without  discrimi- 
nation standard  silver  coin  belonging  to  the 
Government  that  may  at  any  time  be  in  the 
Treasury  the  same  as  gold  coin  in  liquidation 
of  all  kinds  of  coin  obligations  against  the  Gov- 
ernment.'' After  much  opposition  to  the  pre- 
senting of  this  amendment  from  Eepublican 
leaders  like  Mr.  Garfield  and  Mr.  Eeed,  a  vote 
was  taken  which  resulted  in  143  yeas,  75  nays, 
and  67  not  voting.  ^^^ 

The  next  day  during  some  heated  remarks  a 
hard-money  representative  referred  to  the  gov- 
ernment as  ^^a  damned  scoundrel",  if  it  paid 
interest  on  its  bonds  in  depreciated  currency. 
He  added  that  he  did  not  '^use  the  word  in  a 
profane  sense,  but  as  a  pulpit  expletive."  At 
this  point  General  Weaver  made  the  point  of 
order  that  the  gentleman  was  *^  swearing  like 
the  army  in  Flanders ' ' —  a  sally  that  was  greet- 
ed with  laughter  by  the  House.^^^ 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         125 

Again  on  June  ISth  Congressman  Weaver 
was  allowed  five  minutes  in  the  debate  upon  the 
bill  providing  for  the  exchange  of  trade-dollars 
for  legal-tender  silver  dollars.  He  remarked 
by  way  of  introduction  that  it  was  amusing  to 
listen  to  ^Hhe  conflicting  views''  upon  metal 
money.  One  member  thought  the  silver  dollar 
of  412%  grains  was  not  of  equal  value  with  the 
gold  dollar,  and  would  be  willing  to  cut  down 
the  gold  dollar  to  equalize  them.  He  did  not 
have  personally  ''any  very  serious  objection'', 
but  he  would  like  to  inquire  how  the  bonds  is- 
sued since  1870  could  be  paid  since  they  were 
payable  either  in  gold  or  silver  dollars  of 
existing  weights.  A  change  in  the  gold  dollar 
would  leave  only  the  silver  dollar  with  which 
to  pay  interest  upon  the  bonds.  ' '  That,  I  think, 
would  be  a  capital  joke  on  the  bondholder,  and 
I  rather  like  it." 

Next  he  paid  his  respects  to  his  colleague 
from  Iowa,  Mr.  Price,  whom  he  described  as 
growing  eloquent  in  the  closing  hours  of  the 
session  in  favor  of  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
after  voting  against  the  Warner  Silver  Bill  a 
few  weeks  before.  Mr.  Price  interrupted  to 
warn  him  against  misrepresenting  his  position, 
and  to  say  that  he  had  never  stated  that  he  was 
in  favor  of  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.  In 
reply  Mr.  Weaver  remarked  that  ''at  the  risk 
of  my  personal  safety,  then,  let  me  put  my  col- 


126  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

league  on  record  before  the  people  of  Iowa  as 
being  opposed  to  unlimited  coinage.  The  gen- 
tleman may  take  that  form  of  the  dilemma  if 
he  likes,  and  that  will  not  be  very  safe  for  him 
in  Iowa/'  Mr.  Price  answered  that  he  had 
stated  his  views  upon  the  question  before  the 
people  of  Iowa. 

Congressman  Weaver  then  took  up  the  pro- 
posed redemption  of  the  trade-dollar  with 
standard  dollars.  ^^What!  Propose  to  redeem 
a  dollar  of  420  grains  with  one  of  412%  grains! 
"Why  will  not  the  gentleman  be  consistent  and 
come  out  and  admit  frankly  ....  that  it 
is  the  fiat  that  he  wants  and  not  more  grains  of 
metal  r'  In  reply  to  questions  as  to  whether 
he  did  not  think  that  paper  money  could  be 
*^made  as  good  by  the  simple  fiat  of  the  Govern- 
ment as  metal  money '^  he  stated  that  he  was 
^'in  favor  of  gold,  silver,  and  legal-tender 
paper  money,  of  equal  legal-tender  qualities, 
and  made  so  by  the  fiat  of  the  Government.'' 
His  opponents  were  '4n  favor  of  gold,  silver, 
and  national-bank  currency  —  particularly  the 
national  bank  part  of  it." 

Asked  what  he  would  have  his  greenback 
money  based  upon.  Weaver  replied  that  he 
wanted  it  founded  ^*upon  the  gold,  the  silver, 
the  wheat,  the  corn,  and  everything  else  in  the 
country,  including  the  public  credit."  Several 
other  questions  brought  out  from  Weaver  the 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         127 

rejoinder:  ''One  at  a  time,  if  you  please. 
Verily,  the  voice  of  the  greenbacker  stirreth  up 
my  friends  on  the  right. ' ' 

''Now,  there  is  great  difficulty  in  regard  to 
cutting  down  the  amount  of  gold  in  the  dollar '  % 
continued  Weaver.  "As  I  remarked,  if  you 
reduce  the  amount  of  metal  in  the  gold  dollar 
it  will  be  said  you  cannot  pay  the  bond  in  gold. 
And  if  you  add  to  the  amount  of  silver  in  the 
silver  dollar,  then  you  take  away,  for  the  third 
time,  from  the  people  the  right  to  pay  the 
bonded  debt  according  to  the  contract.  It  is 
high  time  for  this  Government  to  do  away  with 
this  bartering  with  creditors,  and  say,  'There 
is  one  dollar  for  all,  rich  and  poor  alike ;  and  it 
shall  pay  all  debts  to  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
whether  he  be  a  bondholder  or  a  bondpayer'. 
We  want  a  dollar  of  the  Government  estab- 
lished by  law,  and  not  by  barter  with  crafty 
public  creditors  ....  I  adhere  to  the  old 
standard  of  4121/2  grains  for  a  silver  dollar  and 
25.8  grains  for  a  gold  dollar,  and  then  I  would 
have  the  royal  loyal  greenback  as  my  paper 
dollar.  It  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  Govern- 
ment when  silver  and  gold,  like  cowardly  trai- 
tors, fled  away  and  hid  until  the  battle  was 
over.  "11^ 

During  this  first  session  General  AVeaver 
introduced  ten  bills,  six  of  which  had  to  do 
with  pensions   or  relief  for   soldiers   or  their 


128  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

dependents  and  one  related  to  the  removal  of 
cases  from  State  courts  to  United  States  courts. 
The  remaining  three  measures  had  reference  to 
the  currency :  one  directed  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  pay  out  standard  silver  coin  with- 
out discrimination;  another  authorized  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue  $600,000,000 
of  United  States  notes  to  be  known  as  lawful 
money  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  third  gave 
the  same  official  power  to  issue  $50,000,000  of 
fractional  currency.  The  bills  introduced  by 
him,  as  well  as  the  part  which  he  took  in  debate, 
indicated  that  his  paramount  interest  was  in 
currency  and  financial  matters. ^^^  He  repre- 
sented ably  and  constantly  opinions  that  had 
been  gradually  taking  shape  for  a  number  of 
years.  Some  of  these  opinions  have  been 
proven,  by  later  developments  and  through 
wider  observation,  to  be  mistaken.  Thus,  the 
myth  about  the  * '  Crime  of  1873 ' '  as  a  part  of  a 
world-wide  conspiracy  to  strike  down  silver  is 
no  longer  seriously  regarded.  But  the  funda- 
mental truth  of  the  danger  to  democracy  from 
the  concentration  of  wealth  and  financial  power 
is  now  generally  recognized. 

General  Weaver  was  a  pioneer  with  the 
viewpoint  of  the  agricultural  West.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  without  the  experience  to 
judge  broadly  as  to  financial  and  business 
developments  in  the  older  industrial  and  com- 


FIRST  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS         129 

mercial  parts  of  the  country.  Instinctively, 
and  in  the  main  accurately,  he  felt  that  financial 
and  commercial  interests  could  not  safely  be 
left  to  deal  with  matters  of  vital  concern  to  the 
masses  of  the  people.  The  details  of  his 
diagnosis  have  many  times  been  shown  to  be 
erroneous,  but  his  main  conclusions  have  come 
to  be  generally  accepted.  Even  in  the  case  of 
his  emphasis  upon  the  currency,  many  observ- 
ers and  authorities  admit  that  a  more  liberal 
policy  might  have  avoided  some  of  the  diffi- 
culties actually  experienced.  Political  reasons 
rather  than  economic  forces  have  too  often 
determined  national  policies. 


10 


VIII 

Second  Session  in  Congress 

1879-1880 

During  the  second  session  of  his  Congressional 
service,  lasting  from  December  1,  1879,  to 
June  7,  1880,  the  role  taken  by  General  Weaver 
was  similar  to  that  assumed  by  him  in  the  first 
session.  On  December  3,  1879,  he  introduced 
what  came  to  be  known  as  the  Weaver  Soldier 
Bill,  described  to  be  ^^for  the  relief  of  the  sol- 
diers and  sailors  who  served  in  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States  in  the  late  war  for 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  and  to  restore 
to  them  equal  rights  with  the  holders  of  Gov- 
ernment bonds. '^  The  bill  was  read  twice  and 
referred  to  the  committee  on  military  affairs. 
A  week  later  he  asked  ^^  unanimous  consent  to 
present  a  petition  signed  by  about  twenty 
thousand  ex-soldiers  or  their  immediate 
friends."  Although  not  specifically  mention- 
ing it,  the  petition  requested  relief  along  the 
lines  suggested  by  the  bill  introduced  by 
Congressman  Weaver. 

The  petition  declared  that  the  soldiers  had 
been  paid  in  ^^a  depreciated  currency'^  worth, 

130 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       131 

during'  the  greater  part  of  their  terms  of  ser- 
vice, ^ '  from  forty  to  seventy  cents  on  the  dollar 
in  coin";  that  the  government  had  since  de- 
scribed ^Hhe  payment  of  the  bondholders  in  the 
same  money"  as  ^^ dishonesty  and  repudia- 
tion"; and  that  the  bondholders  did  not  have 
^ '  a  claim  either  in  law  or  equity  better  than  the 
men  who  offered  their  lives  that  the  nation 
might  live".  The  petitioners,  therefore,  be- 
lieved that  the  government  was  '4ionestly  and 
justly  indebted  to  the  soldiers  for  the  difference 
between  the  value  of  greenbacks  and  gold  at 
the  time  of  payment  with  6  per  cent,  interest, 
compounded  semi-annually",  and  that  Congress 
should  provide  for  the  payment  of  such  differ- 
ences in  ''a  full  legal-tender  greenback,  not  to 
be  fundable  into  bonds  of  any  rate  or  class." 
Such  action,  it  was  declared,  would  give  ''im- 
mediate and  direct  relief  to  one  million  of  the 
defenders  of  our  Government  in  its  hour  of 
trial  and  danger,  and  indirectly  to  forty  mil- 
lions of  American  citizens  by  reason  of  the 
impetus  given  to  all  industrial  pursuits". 

Congressman  Weaver  requested  that  the  pe- 
tition without  the  names  be  read  and  that  it  be 
referred  to  the  same  committee  to  which  his 
soldier  bill  had  been  referred.  He  also  an- 
nounced that  ''at  the  proper  time"  he  would 
address  the  House  in  support  of  the  petitioners. 

On  December  18,  1879,  General  Weaver  rose 


132  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

to  a  question  of  privilege  in  regard  to  a  para- 
graph in  the  New  York  Tribune  of  the  day 
before  which  described  the  numerous  petitions 
recently  received  from  ex-soldiers  as  all  alike 
and  suggested  that  he  was  the  author  of  them. 
Viewing  the  item  as  a  reflection  upon  his  char- 
acter ^^as  a  Eepresentative  of  the  people", 
Weaver  declared  that  he  was  not  the  author 
and  was  not  ^Hhe  exclusive  medium  of  their 
presentation  to  the  House  ....  I  hurl 
back  the  imputation  as  a  slander  by  this  Wall 
street  journal  upon  myself  and  the  brave  men 
who  have  petitioned  for  equal  rights  with  the 
holders  of  Government  bonds.''  In  conclusion 
he  remarked  that  ^*at  the  death  of  Horace 
Greeley  the  New  York  Tribune  lost  its  reputa- 
tion both  for  honesty  and  intelligence.'' 

About  a  month  later  Congressman  James  W. 
Singleton  of  Illinois  presented  a  petition  from 
five  hundred  officers,  soldiers,  and  sailors  from 
Greene  County,  Illinois,  asking  for  the  passage 
of  the  Weaver  Soldier  Bill.  The  petition  con- 
tained resolutions,  adopted  at  a  mass-meeting 
held  in  the  county,  requesting  their  **  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress  (without  re- 
gard to  political  parties)  to  support  this  most 
just  and  righteous  measure",  and  urging  organ- 
ization **all  over  the  nation"  and  the  keeping 
of  a  record  of  the  action  of  members  of  Con- 
gress as  to  their  attitude  toward  the  measure. 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS      133 

The  bill  received  no  further  consideration  in 
the  House,  and  consequently  General  Weaver 
probably  never  delivered  his  promised  address 
in  its  favor,  although  there  was  printed  in  the 
appendix  to  the  Congressional  Record,  under 
date  of  May  10,  1880,  a  speech  entitled  Human 
Life  versus  Gold,  and  described  as  ^^on  the  bill 
for  the  relief  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  .  . 
.  .  and  to  restore  to  them  equal  rights  with 
the  holders  of  Government  bonds. '*^^^ 

The  most  dramatic  episode  in  Weaver's  sec- 
ond session  in  Congress  was  his  long  struggle 
for  recognition  by  the  Speaker  in  order  to 
present  two  resolutions.  In  the  first  of  these 
resolutions  it  was  declared  to  be  the  sense  of 
the  House  that  ''all  currency,  whether  metallic 
or  paper,  necessary  for  the  use  and  convenience 
of  the  people,  should  be  issued  and  its  volume 
controlled  by  the  Government,  and  not  by  or 
through  the  banking  corporations  of  the  coun- 
try'\  The  second  resolution  opposed  the  re- 
funding of  the  public  debt,  urging  that  it  should 
be  paid  ''as  rapidly  as  possible '',  and  "to 
enable  the  Government  to  meet  these  obliga- 
tions, the  mints  of  the  United  States  should  be 
operated  to  their  full  capacity  in  the  coinage  of 
Standard  Silver  Dollars,  and  such  other  coin- 
age as  the  business  interests  of  the  country 
may  require''. 

These    resolutions,   embodying   fundamental 


134  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

financial  principles  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  third  party  group  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, were  drafted  by  Weaver,  and  on  the 
first  Monday  in  January,  1880,  he  asked  to  be 
recognized  by  the  Speaker  in  order  to  introduce 
them.  Under  the  rules  of  the  House  at  that 
time  it  was  proper  for  any  member  on  Monday, 
if  he  could  secure  recognition  of  the  Chair,  to 
move  the  suspension  of  the  rules  and  place  upon 
its  passage  any  measure  which  he  might  desire 
to  offer. 

Recognition  of  Mr.  Weaver  was  refused  by 
the  Speaker  because  the  Democrats  did  not  wish 
to  be  placed  upon  record,  immediately  before 
the  Presidential  election,  upon  what  they  re- 
garded as  ^^mere  abstractions. '^  Each  Monday 
for  thirteen  weeks  the  struggle  continued. 
After  a  few  weeks  it  began  to  attract  general 
attention.  Crowds  filled  the  galleries  on  Mon- 
days and  the  newspapers  severely  criticized 
^'the  aggravating  perseverance  of  the  author 
of  the  resolutions.''  The  Speaker  received 
many  letters,  some  praising  him  for  his  firm- 
ness and  others  denouncing  him  as  a  tyrant. 
The  illustrated  weeklies  also  contained  ^^  gross 
and  uncomplimentary"  caricatures  of  General 
Weaver.  Finally,  on  March  6,  1880,  Harper's 
Weekly  published  a  full  page  cartoon  by  Nast, 
representing  Weaver  ^'as  a  donkey,  braying  to 
the    utter   consternation    of   the    House.      The 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       135 

Speaker  was  represented  as  standing  with  liis 
back  to  the  author  of  the  resolutions,  members 
as  holding  their  hands  over  their  ears,  others 
as  endeavoring  to  crawl  under  the  desks,  and 
the  Mace  as  having  been  blown  violently  from 
the  hands  of  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  while  he  was 
vainly  attempting  to  hide  from  the  storm. ''^^^ 
The  first  reference  in  the  Congressional  Rec- 
ord to  these  resolutions  is  to  be  found  on 
February  27,  1880,  in  a  debate  upon  the  re- 
vision of  the  rules.  Weaver  referred  to  them 
as  having  frightened  the  House  for  five  weeks, 
saying  that  they  represented  the  opinion  of 
ninety-nine  out  of  every  hundred  members  of 
the  Democratic  party  west  of  the  Alleghany 
Mountains.  He  then  had  them  read  as  a  part 
of  his  remarks,  and  afterward  declared  that  he 
'Svell  understood"  why  the  leaders  of  the 
Democratic  party,  ^' being  in  the  East  for  hard 
money  and  in  the  West  for  soft  money, ' '  did  not 
want  to  be  put  on  record  ^ '  on  the  eve  of  a  presi- 
dential election.  But  these  resolutions  are  now 
before  the  country,  and  I  shall  be  found  stand- 
ing here  inserting  the  thorn  in  the  flesh  every 
Monday  from  now  until  the  adjournment  of 
Congress,  unless  sooner  gratified,  seeking  rec- 
ognition. I  am  determined  that  gentlemen  in 
this  House  shall  be  put  upon  the  record  on 
those  resolutions  and  their  public  professions 
tested.  "114 


136  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

March  1,  1880,  Congressman  Weaver  rose  to 
make  a  ^* parliamentary  inquiry''.  After  con- 
siderable controversy  with  the  Speaker  and 
other  members,  he  mentioned  the  cartoon  by 
Nast,  ^^a  gross  misrepresentation'',  showing 
the  Speaker  with  his  back  toward  him.  Mr. 
Garfield  asked  which  figure  represented  Mr. 
Weaver,  who  replied:  ^'The  large  figure  with 
the  long  ears,  of  course,  represents  me.  You 
know  that  the  ass  in  the  Bible  saw  the  angel 
before  Balaam,  his  rider,  saw  him."^^^ 

Finally  at  the  beginning  of  April  it  became 
apparent  that  the  long  struggle  would  soon 
end.  Eumors  that  recognition  would  be  given 
the  first  Monday  of  the  month  became  current, 
evidently  emanating  from  the  Speaker  himself. 
Then  a  new  problem  appeared  as  under  the 
rules  a  yea  and  nay  vote  could  not  be  secured 
unless  demanded  by  one-fifth  vote  of  the  mem- 
bers. There  were  but  thirteen  of  the  National 
party  so  that  assistance  was  necessary  to  ob- 
tain a  vote  after  recognition  had  been  conceded 
by  the  Speaker.  In  this  emergency  Mr.  Weaver 
and  his  associates  appealed  to  Mr.  Garfield  to 
help  in  obtaining  a  yea  and  nay  vote.  They 
pointed  out  that  the  Eepublicans  were  already 
on  record  against  the  propositions  contained  in 
the  resolutions,  while  the  Democrats  at  home 
usually  favored  the  propositions,  but  always 
avoided  being  put  on  record  in  regard  to  them. 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       137 

After  consultation  with  Ms  colleagues  Garfield 
replied  that  his  side  of  the  House  would  sup- 
port the  demand  for  a  yea  and  nay  vote. 

It  was  on  the  first  Monday  in  April  that 
General  Weaver  was  finally  recognized.  He 
made  ''the  necessary  motion  to  suspend  the 
rules  and  demanded  that  the  vote  be  taken  by 
yeas  and  nays.  Upon  statement  of  the  demand 
by  the  Chair  the  Greenback  members,  General 
Ewing,  of  Ohio,  and  Mr.  Tillman,  of  South 
Carolina,  rose  to  their  feet  followed  by  the 
entire  Eepublican  side  of  the  House.  The  yeas 
and  nays  were  accordingly  ordered. ' '  Immedi- 
ately with  a  few  exceptions,  the  Democrats  left 
the  hall  and  gathered  in  the  cloak  rooms  for 
consultation.  On  the  first  call  of  the  roll  only 
three  or  four  Democrats  responded,  while  the 
Republicans  voted  almost  solidly  in  the  nega- 
tive. On  the  second  call  there  were  84  yeas 
and  117  nays,  91  not  voting.  The  affirmative 
vote  consisted  of  eleven  Greenbackers,  one  Re- 
publican, and  seventy-two  Democrats,  mostly 
from  the  South  and  West.  The  negative  vote 
was  composed  of  Republicans,  reinforced  by 
eastern  and  middle  States  Democrats. ^^^ 

In  the  debate  upon  the  resolutions  Mr.  Gar- 
field said  that  he  had  never  heard  the  provisions 
contained  in  them  until  they  were  read  that 
day.  They  had,  however,  attained  ''some  his- 
torical importance  by  being  talked  about  a  good 


138  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

deal  in  the  newspapers,  and  by  blocking  the 
other  business  of  the  House  for  some  weeks.'' 
After  a  brief  analysis  of  the  resolutions,  he 
asked  how  the  $780,000,000  falling  due  ^^this 
year  and  next"  were  to  be  paid.  ''Print  it  to 
death  —  that  is  the  way  to  dispose  of  the  public 
debt",  according  to  the  resolutions.  He  urged 
^'both  parties"  to  show  their  courage  by  de- 
stroying ''the  triple-headed  monster  of  cen- 
tralization, inflation,  and  repudiation  com- 
bined." 

Replying  to  the  leader  of  the  Republicans, 
Congressman  Weaver  declared  that  he  reck- 
oned himself  "most  happy  in  having  an 
opportunity  of  witnessing  a  vote  upon  these 
resolutions"  which  had  "so  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  this  House  and  of  the  country  for  the 
past  three  months."  He  was  not  surprised  at 
the  opposition  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  for 
he  understood  "very  well  that  that  gentleman 
and  his  party"  stood  "in  the  road  blocking  the 
progress  of  the  people  toward  financial  re- 
form." With  reference  to  the  criticism  direct- 
ed at  the  resolutions,  he  pointed  out  that  "the 
national  greenback  party  is  opposed  to  the  vio- 
lation of  the  public  faith,  and  is  squarely 
opposed  to  the  repudiation  of  any  portion  of 
the  public  debt.  We  are  in  favor  of  the  pay- 
ment of  the  debt  according  to  the  contract,  and 
we  are  the  only  party  that  desires  ever  to  pay 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       139 

it."  In  answer  to  the  question  where  the  gov- 
ernment could  get  the  money  to  pay  the  ma- 
tured bonds,  he  said:  ''first,  from  the  surplus 
revenues  properly  increased  by  a  judicious  in- 
come tax;  second,  by  the  coinage  of  silver." 
Explaining  more  fully  his  meaning,  he  declared 
that  the  government  bought  silver  with  the 
surplus  revenues  and  manufactured  silver  dol- 
lars, and  the  $4,000,000  worth  monthly  that 
might  be  purchased  under  the  existing  law, 
would  pay  off  the  debt  in  half  the  time  that  it 
was  proposed  to  fund  it  for.  He  called  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  they  were  paying  otf  the 
debt  then  ''for  electioneering  purposes  at  the 
rate  of  tw^o  millions  a  week",  and  did  not  feel 
it.  There  was  ample  surplus  revenue  for  the 
purpose;  all  that  w^as  needed  was  the  disposi- 
tion to  pay.^^"^ 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Forty-sixth 
Congress  it  appears  that  General  Weaver  intro- 
duced ten  bills,  nine  of  which  were  for  pensions 
or  for  the  relief  of  soldiers  and  their  depend- 
ents. The  tenth  measure  was  the  so-called 
Weaver  Soldier  Bill.  He  also  introduced  five 
resolutions  —  two  of  these  being  the  proposi- 
tions about  which  he  made  his  long  fight  for 
recognition  by  the  Speaker.  Of  the  other  three, 
one  was  his  minority  report  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Elections,  of  which  he  was  a  member, 
recommending    that    the     seat     occupied    by 


140  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

William  F.  Slemons  from  the  second  district  of 
Arkansas  be  declared  vacant;  another  request- 
ed the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  report  to 
the  House  his  action  in  anticipating  interest 
payments  upon  the  public  debt  as  provided  for 
by  a  joint  resolution  passed  in  March,  1864; 
and  the  third  recommended  the  employment  of 

an  *^  additional  page  for  the  convenience  of  the 
House.  ^' lis 

These  bills  and  resolutions  indicate  his  two 
chief  interests  —  justice  to  the  soldiers  who 
had  served  in  the  Civil  War  and  currency  and 
finance.  Frequently  he  combined  them  in  one 
measure  —  as  in  his  Soldier  Bill  in  which  he 
proposed  *^to  restore  to  them  equal  rights  with 
the  holders  of  Government  bonds.'' 

His  speeches  and  incidental  remarks  illus- 
trated the  same  tendencies.  On  January  22, 
1880,  he  spoke  upon  the  bill  then  under  discus- 
sion requiring  the  reserves  of  national  banks  to 
be  kept  in  gold  and  silver  coins.  He  pointed 
out  that  under  the  proposed  measure  banks 
might  keep  their  entire  coin  reserves  in  sub- 
sidiary silver  and  trade-dollars.  Those  coins 
were  consequently  ^'exalted  above  the  green- 
back'', which  was  a  legal  tender  for  all 
amounts.  Such  a  proposal  was  '^a  discrimina- 
tion against  the  greenback  and  inimical  to  the 
interests  of  the  people  ....  and  in  favor 
of  the  bondholder.    It  is  the  same  old  obnoxious 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       141 

class  legislation  over  and  over  again  .... 
The  greenback  is  the  only  reliable  dollar  in 
America  to-day.  It  stays  at  home,  and  is  al- 
ways as  good  as  gold.'' 

The  claim  of  the  opposition  that  the  country 
owed  '^  three  hundred  and  forty-six  millions  of 
legal-tender  war  debt''  was  refuted  by  refer- 
ence to  the  act  of  Congress  of  May  30,  1878,  by 
which  '*the  greenback  became  the  perpetual 
legal-tender  money"  of  the  United  States.  He 
admitted  the  statement  of  the  opposition  that 
President  Lincoln  approved  of  the  issue  of 
greenbacks  because  there  was  no  other  re- 
source. *^Gold,  silver,  and  the  Shylocks  of  the 
country  failed  the  Government  in  the  hour  of 
its  trial,  and  we  were  compelled  to  resort  to 
legal-tender  paper.  It  was  the  fiat  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  save  the  nation's  life;  and  the  same 
fiat  is  doubly  necessary  to-day  to  save  the 
liberties  of  the  people  ....  The  issue 
fairly  before  the  people  is  this:  Shall  we  have 
in  this  country  legal-tender  paper  issued  by  the 
Government,  or  shall  the  people  depend  upon 
banking  corporations  for  their  circulating 
medium  1  Shall  the  Government  or  the  banking 
corporations  control  the  volume  of  the  cur- 
rency? Let  gentlemen  meet  that  issue  fairly 
and  squarely.  The  issue  is  between  the  cor- 
porations and  the  people.  Shall  we  depend 
upon  banking  corporations  for  the  volume  of 


142  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

our  currency,  and  in  that  way  give  the  banks 
the  control  of  all  values  in  this  Republic?'^ 

He  referred  to  the  opposition  of  "the  gentle- 
man from  New  York  [Mr.  Chittenden]  "  to  his 
soldier  bill;  "he  stooped  over  and  shook  his 
little  fist  in  my  innocent  face!  ....  The 
gentleman  goes  into  hysterics  the  very  moment 
he  mentions  the  soldiers '  bill.  He  regards  it  as 
an  assault  upon  the  peculiar  interests  which  he 
represents.  But  he  is  not  the  only  gentleman 
who  is  seriously  annoyed  by  it.  A  very  dis- 
tinguished gentleman,  a  citizen  of  the  State  of 
Illinois,  a  distinguished  ex-soldier  and  philolo- 
gist [John  A.  Logan]  said  ....  that  the 
bill  introduced  by  General  Weaver  ....  to 
equalize  the  pay  of  soldiers  was  the  worst  piece 
of  ^  demagogy ' — '  demagogy '  is  good  —  ever 
introduced  into  an  American  Congress.'^ 

Mention  was  also  made  of  a  letter  of  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House  from  Missouri  in  which  it  was 
said  that  the  author  of  the  soldiers'  bill  was 
not  in  earnest  and  that  the  bill  would  not  pass. 
^  *  Sir,  let  me  say  that  the  author  of  that  bill  and 
the  more  than  five  hundred  thousand  men  who 
stand  behind  him  were  never  more  in  earnest 
than  now.  They  were  not  more  earnest  when 
storming  the  heights  of  Fort  Donelson  or  fight- 
ing the  bloody  battles  of  Shiloh,  Gettysburgh, 
and  the  Wilderness.  And  this  House  must  give 
the  relief  asked  for,  or  these  men  will  send  a 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       143 

Congress  here  that  will  grant  them  their 
prayer. ' ' 

General  Weaver  next  paid  his  respects  to  his 
^^ colleague  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Price] '^,  who  had 
spoken  a  few  days  ago.  He  had  told  them  that 
^^  France  had  $426,000,000  of  silver  money,  and 
60  per  cent,  more  than  that  of  gold.  That  would 
give  France  $19  per  capita  in  gold,  $12  in 
silver,  and  she  has  $12  per  capita  in  paper, 
making  in  all  $43  per  capita  for  the  entire 
population,  while  in  this  country  we  have  not 
to-day  $8  per  capita  in  actual  circulation,  al- 
though we  have  a  population  50  per  cent, 
greater  than  France,  and  an  area  of  territory 
eighteen  times  larger  than  the  territory  of  that 
country. ' '  He  pointed  out  that  his  ' '  colleague ' ' 
had  ^^  occupied  every  sign  in  the  zodiac  upon 
this  question  of  finance,  and  no  man  can  tell 
from  what  he  said  in  his  speech  whether  he 
favors  this  bill  or  is  opposed  to  it  ...  . 
But  my  colleague  lauds  the  greenback!  There 
is  one  thing  I  do  not  want  him  to  do.  He  must 
not  try  to  crawl  into  bed  with  the  greenbackers 
without  first  taking  off  his  republican  boots 
and  overcoat." 

In  conclusion  he  declared  that  the  bill  was 
calculated  ^'to  take  the  greenback  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  people  and  place  it  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  will  hoard  it.  Under  the  law  as  it 
now  stands  they  can  not  do  this  as  well  as  they 


144  JAMES  BAIED  WEAVER 

could  desire.  The  people  have  some  little  pro- 
tection. But  if  this  bill  becomes  a  law  they  will 
be  largely  deprived  of  the  legal-tender  paper 
dollar.  It  will  disappear  from  circulation  .  . 
.  .  the  attempt  has  been  made  in  this  House 
since  the  assembling  of  Congress  to  suppress 
the  discussion  of  the  financial  question.  It  can- 
not be  done.  The  pressure  is  from  without.  It 
comes  from  the  people,  who  are  masters  of  the 
situation.  They  are  discussing  it  in  every  vil- 
lage and  hamlet,  in  every  public  meeting,  in  the 
workshops,  and  even  in  the  churches,  and  they 
will  continue  to  discuss  it  until  it  is  settled  in 
their  behalf. ''1^^ 

Another  speech  by  Weaver  was  printed  in 
the  appendix  to  the  Congressional  Record 
under  date  of  May  10,  1880,  with  the  title  of 
The  Irrepressible  Conflict  —  The  People  vs. 
Privileged  Classes.  It  is  described  as  having 
been  made  while  the  House  had  under  consider- 
ation the  bill  *Ho  facilitate  the  refunding  of 
the  national  debt" — although  it  may  never 
actually  have  been  delivered.  In  this  speech  he 
maintained  that  the  ^*  system  of  funding  the 
public  debt,  now  the  ruling  policy  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, affords  the  most  startling  evidence 
of  the  domination  of  the  privileged  classes,  and 
marks  our  total  and  melancholy  departure  from 
the  teachings  of  the  founders  of  our  Republic. 
It  is  not  a  plant  of  American  growth,  but  is 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       145 

borrowed  from  the  effete  aristocracies  and 
monarchies  of  the  Old  World.  This  system  has 
been  ingrafted  upon  our  simple  republican 
polity  by  men  who  are  hostile  to  democratic 
institutions,  and  who  believe  in  an  aristocracy 
of  wealth  whose  privileges  and  exemptions 
guarantee  to  the  few  the  greatest  possible 
accumulation  of  property  and  the  widest  con- 
trol of  public  affairs     .... 

*^A11  legislation  looking  to  the  perpetuation 
of  our  national  debt,  and  of  the  national-bank- 
ing system  which  feeds  and  fattens  upon  it, 
should  be  universally  discouraged  and  de- 
nounced as  a  crime  against  the  people,  and  all 
laws  looking  to  their  existence  should  be  imme- 
diately repealed. '' 

^^Such  has  been  the  management  of  our 
finances,  that  it  is  conceded  we  cannot  pay  at 
the  date  these  bonds  become  redeemable.  The 
pretext  upon  which  they  were  issued  was,  that 
the  Government  was  not  then  able  to  pay,  but 
would  certainly  be  at  the  expiration  of  the  time 
for  w^hich  they  were  then  to  be  issued.  The 
expectation  that  we  would  ever  be  able  to  pay 
all  these  bonds  at  once  was  never  for  a  moment 
entertained  by  the  managers  of  this  funding 
scheme,  and  if  the  people  ever  entertained  such 
an  idea  they  have  been  signally  disappointed. 

^^The  national  party  is  opposed  to  funding 
this  debt.    We  say  that  it  is  our  great  duty  to 

11 


146  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

demand  that  it  shall  be  paid.  How  can  it  be 
done,  and  when!    We  answer: 

^*  First.  By  applying  the  surplus  revenue  to 
its  extinguishment,  which  now  amounts  to  over 
$50,000,000  per  annum  after  defraying  all  ex- 
penses of  the  Government. 

*^  Second.  By  paying  out  the  silver  now  in 
the  Treasury,  amounting  to  $70,000,000.  Twen- 
ty-three million  dollars  of  this  consists  of  sub- 
sidiary coin  7  per  cent,  light,  which  would  have 
to  be  coined  over  into  standard  dollars. 

^^  Third.  By  operating  our  mints  to  their 
full  capacity  in  the  coinage  of  standard  silver 
dollars. 

*^ Fourth.  By  levying  a  judicious  income-tax 
upon  the  wealthy,  who  now  bear  none  of  the 
burdens  of  taxation. 

^' Fifth.  By  substituting  legal-tender  green- 
backs for  national-bank  notes  and  canceling  the 
bonds  now  held  by  the  Treasury  to  secure  their 
circulation. ' ' 

In  conclusion  General  Weaver  declared  that 
**  national  banking  and  the  funding  system  are 
counterparts  of  each  other.  The  two  must 
perish  together,  and  perish  quickly.  They  are 
twin  monsters,  brought  hither  to  crush  out  lib- 
erty on  this  continent.  Aware  of  the  danger, 
the  people  have  organized  a  party  for  self- 
defense.  This  party  believes  in  the  power  of 
the  Government  to  make  all  the  monev  neces- 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       147 

sary  for  the  use  of  the  people,  and  in  the  right 
of  the  nation  to  pay  off  its  debt  whenever  it  has 
the  money.  No  human  power  can  stop  the 
progress  of  this  new  movement.  It  is  broad 
and  national  in  its  doctrines  and  purposes.  It 
eschews  sectionalism,  and  demands  for  the 
humblest  individual  in  the  land  a  free  ballot, 
fair  play,  and  equal  rights  before  the  law.  The 
old  factions  will  not  allow  us  to  succeed  if  by 
any  means,  fair  or  foul,  they  can  defeat  us.  In 
California  they  strike  down  free  speech  with 
fine  and  imprisonment.  In  other  sections  they 
confront  us  with  slander  and  misrepresentation. 
The  bulldozers  of  one  section  join  hands  with 
the  money  kings  of  the  other  to  crush  the  peo- 
ple's party,  and  to  keep  laboring-men  from 
voting  their  untrammeled  sentiments.  But 
^your  covenant  with  death  shall  be  disannulled 
and  your  agreement  with  hell  shall  not  stand.' 
You  have  the  chains  forged  necessary  to  rob 
industry  of  its  reward.  But  you  shall  be  dis- 
appointed. You  would  like  to  see  the  sun  rise 
and  set  on  a  nation  of  slaves.  But  the  people 
perceive  your  purpose  and  are  awake  to  the 
danger. 

' '  May  God  in  his  infinite  mercy  help  the  tax- 
payers of  this  country  to  look  into  this  question, 
and  nerve  them  to  rebuke  their  despoilers ;  may 
He  send  upon  our  people  that  high  type  of 
patriotism    and    courage    that    will    crush    all 


148  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

parties,  and  men,  and  laws  that  stand  for  the 
enslavement  of  the  people  !"^^^ 

No  matter  what  might  be  the  nature  of  the 
measure  upon  which  General  Weaver  was  ad- 
dressing the  House,  he  seems  usually  to  have 
turned  to  some  phase  of  the  subjects  that  mainly 
engaged  his  attention.  In  February,  1880,  in 
speaking  upon  a  bill  regulating  the  removal  of 
causes  from  State  to  Federal  courts,  with  which 
he  expressed  himself  as  '^in  hearty  accord'',  he 
took  up  the  subject  of  corporations.  He  re- 
garded the  right  of  corporations  to  appeal  to 
Federal  courts  in  the  trial  of  cases  brought 
against  them  by  individuals  as  a  serious  griev- 
ance, and  in  violation  of  the  constitutional 
principle  that  the  citizen  should  be  tried  by  a 
jury  of  the  vicinage. 

He  pointed  out  that  the  founders  of  the  gov- 
ernment ' '  threw  around  the  cradle  of  the  young 
Eepublic  certain  safeguards.  One  of  these 
safeguards  was  that  there  should  be  no  titles  of 
nobility  in  this  country;  another  that  the  right 
of  primogeniture  should  not  obtain  here,  that 
there  should  be  no  entailed  estates,  so  that  the 
w^ealth  of  the  country  should  diffuse  itself 
among  the  people  according  to  natural  and 
beneficent  laws.  They  did  not  contemplate  the 
creation  of  these  corporations  that  are  as  real 
entities  as  are  individuals  —  ideal  persons  that 
never  die,  and  yet  possess  the  power  to  acquire 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       149 

and  hold  property  equally  with  real  persons. 
They  did  not  ....  contemplate  the  rise 
and  progress  of  these  legal  Goliaths.     .     .     . 

''The  existence  of  such  corporations  seems  to 
be  necessary  to  the  progress  of  our  civilization ; 
they  are  inseparable  from  it;  but  they  should 
not  be  clothed  by  legislation  with  exclusive 
privileges  over  the  citizen.  The  people  must 
put  hooks  into  the  jaws  of  these  leviathans,  and 
control  them. 

' '  The  accumulation  of  capital  in  the  hands  of 
these  corporations  of  itself  gives  them  immense 
power  and  tremendous  advantage  over  indi- 
viduals. But  if  you,  in  addition  to  that,  load 
them  with  exclusive  privileges  by  law  —  the 
privilege  of  shirking  and  shunning  the  ordi- 
nary tribunals  in  which  the  common  people  have 
to  litigate  their  rights  —  and  if  you  allow  them 
the  power  and  the  privilege  of  dragging  the 
citizen  to  remote  tribunals,  then,  indeed,  you 
more  than  double  or  treble  their  power.  The 
corporation  should  seek  no  exclusive  privileges, 
and  the  citizen  should  be  just  to  the  corpora- 
tion.    .     .     . 

''What  objection  ....  can  be  urged 
against  compelling  corporations  to  come  into 
the  State  courts?  The  only  one  I  can  imagine 
is  that  there  is  a  prejudice  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  which  precludes  justice  in  the  State 
courts    ....    If  there  is  prejudice  existing 


150  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

to-day  in  the  minds  of  the  people  against  cor- 
porations, it  grows  out  of  a  deep-seated  con- 
viction on  their  part  that  the  legislation  of  the 
country  has  been  in  favor  of  the  corporation 
and  against  the  citizen.  Let  the  citizens  .  . 
.  .  know  and  understand  that  there  are  to  be 
no  exclusive  privileges,  that  the  corporations 
are  simply  to  go  into  the  State  courts  and  there 
assert  their  rights  as  any  other  citizen ;  that  of 
itself  will  disarm  any  honest  man  of  preju- 
dice.    .     .     . 

*^  There  is  no  such  thing  as  shutting  the  eye 
.  .  .  .  to  the  fact  that  there  is  a  growing 
tendency  to-day  in  this  country  to  concentration 
of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  few.  I  do  not 
charge  in  my  remarks  that  this  is  the  result  of 
any  deliberate  scheme  of  legislation;  it  is  not 
necessary  here  for  me  to  do  so;  it  is  a  fact 
nevertheless.  And  whenever  this  Congress  or 
this  House  has  the  opportunity  to  strike  down 
that  tendency,  and  to  reduce  all  classes  of 
citizens  to  an  equal  footing,  and  to  remand 
them  to  common  rights,  they  should  avail  them- 
selves of  the  opportunity. ''^2^ 

Weaver's  position  in  the  House  was  an  un- 
usual one ;  for  the  first  time  there  was  a  group 
of  members  who  did  not  belong  to  either  of  the 
two  great  parties.  They  were  too  small  in  num- 
bers to  hope  to  have  much  influence,  but  they 
believed  that  they  represented  a  considerable 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       151 

proportion  of  the  people  of  the  country,  and 
consequently  felt  obliged  to  assert  themselves. 
Their  official  designation  was  '' Nationals '',  but 
they  were  variously  referred  to  in  the  House  as 
the  ^^  party  of  the  center '^  and  as  a  ^' third 
party '\  The  former  appellation  was  taken 
from  the  location  of  their  seats  (six  of  them 
including  Weaver  had  seats  on  the  center 
aisle) ;  the  latter  came  from  the  traditional 
division  of  our  people  into  two  parties  follow- 
ing the  accepted  English  arrangement.  Any 
divergence  from  settled  principles  was  de- 
scribed as  a  third  party ;  all  legislative  arrange- 
ments presumed  two  parties  and  two  only.^^^ 

Early  in  his  Congressional  career  General 
Weaver  seems  to  have  been  recognized  as  the 
leader  of  the  third  party  group.  His  ability  as 
a  speaker  and  debater,  and  his  prominence  as  a 
soldier  and  in  the  Eepublican  party  before  he 
joined  the  Independents  pointed  to  him  as  the 
most  promising  member  for  such  a  role.  To- 
ward the  end  of  the  second  session  the  time  of 
final  adjournment  was  under  consideration. 
The  Speaker  ruled  that  fifteen  minutes  should 
be  allowed  to  the  member  representing  the  ma- 
jority, and  the  same  amount  to  the  one  repre- 
senting the  minority,  and  he  added  that  ^Hhe 
gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Weaver]  claims  that 
he  ought  to  be  recognized  to  have  a  portion  of 
the  time,  and  therefore  the  Chair  would  sug- 


152  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

gest  that  a  part  of  it,  say,  five  minutes,  should 
be  allowed  to  him. ' '  In  reply  to  a  question  the 
Speaker  said  that  it  was  the  custom  '^to  recog- 
nize representative  members." 

There  was  considerable  opposition  to  the 
ruling,  but  it  was  finally  followed  and  General 
Weaver  spoke  against  adjournment.  He  de- 
scribed the  funding  bill  as  ^^a  menace  to  the 
labor  and  industry  of  this  country,  and  threat- 
ens the  whole  country  with  a  calamity  more 
terrible  than  a  plague,  pestilence,  or  famine. 
The  fate  of  that  bill  is  extremely  doubtful  if 
the  vote  can  be  reached  now.  The  vote  in  this 
House  on  the  5th  of  April  on  the  currency  and 
debt  resolutions  placed  the  funding  bill  in  great 
peril.  This  is  well  understood.  But  it  is  just 
as  well  understood  that  if  its  friends  can  carry 
it  over  until  after  the  presidential  election,  they 
will  pass  it  and  fasten  that  debt  perpetually 
upon  American  industry.  That  is  one  of  the 
main  reasons  for  this  hasty  adjournment. 

**  Again,  the  right  of  petition  has  been  denied 
and  abridged  to  the  American  people  during 
this  session.  Petitions  bearing  the  signatures 
of  more  than  six  hundred  thousand  soldiers 
have  been  stowed  away  in  a  committee-room  in 
this  House  unheeded.  These  soldiers  petition 
for  justice  and  the  equalization  of  their  pay. 
They  ask  the  Government  to  fulfill  its  solemn 
contract  made  when  the  country's  life  was  in 


SECOND  SESSION  IN  CONGRESS       153 

hazard.  But  there  is  no  disposition  on  the  part 
of  a  majority  of  this  House  to  regard  their 
petition.  Fifteen  years  have  now  passed  away 
since  the  close  of  the  war,  and  yet  the  bounties 
and  back  pay  due  to  soldiers  and  the  pay  of 
teamsters  and  others  who  served  in  our  armies 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  are  unsettled 
and  utterly  neglected.  Hundreds  of  claims 
have  been  adjusted,  even  under  existing  law, 
but  Congress  has  thus  far  failed  to  make  the 
necessary  appropriation  to  pay  them. 

^*  During  these  fifteen  years  that  have  elapsed 
since  the  war  closed  the  Government  has  been 
giving  away  to  rich  corporations  vast  empires 
of  our  public  domain  and  throwing  the  wealth 
of  the  country  into  the  laps  of  the  opulent  and 
powerful.  But  there  is  no  disposition  to  be 
just,  much  less  generous,  to  the  soldier,  his 
widow,  and  orphan. 

^'I  enter  my  solemn  protest  against  the  final 
adjournment  until  Congress  does  justice  to  the 
men  who  saved  the  flag  that  throws  its  protect- 
ing shadow  over  the  Speaker ''.^^^ 

These  remarks  are  an  excellent  illustration 
of  the  way  in  which  Weaver  made  use  of  every 
opportunity  to  emphasize  his  favorite  prin- 
ciples. In  season  and  out  of  season  he  called 
attention  to  those  measures  which  he  regarded 
as  of  vital  importance.  Most  of  his  effort 
seemed  wasted  at  the  time  —  practically  no  re- 


154  JAMES  BAIRD  AVEAYER 

suits  were  obtained.  His  work  was  that  of  a 
pioneer,  misunderstood  and  ridiculed.  But  it 
was  destined  to  bear  fruit  in  due  time,  although 
not  always  in  the  form  which  he  proposed. 
Many  times  he  was  mistaken  in  his  detailed 
proposals,  but  he  was  sound  in  his  hostility  to 
special  privilege  as  opposed  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  masses  of  the  people. 

He  made  two  basic  contentions :  that  the  gold 
production  of  the  world  was  inadequate  to  fur- 
nish the  circulating  medium  for  the  trade  of  the 
world,  and  that  the  control  of  the  volume  of 
money  in  circulation  should  be  by  the  govern- 
ment and  not  by  the  bankers.  As  to  the  first  of 
these  contentions,  it  should  be  remembered  that 
the  circulating  medium  per  capita  in  the  United 
States  and  the  world  has  been  tripled  since  1896 
by  the  opening  of  the  Eand  and  Alaskan  mines, 
and  by  the  introduction  of  processes  for  the 
reduction  of  low  grade  ores.  Furthermore,  the 
control  of  the  currency  has  been  definitely 
placed  by  the  enactment  of  the  Federal  Eeserve 
Act  in  the  hands  of  the  Federal  government. 


IX 

First  Campaign  foe  the  Presidency 

1880 

The  records  show  that  General  Weaver  was 
granted  leave  of  absence  ^indefinitely"  from 
June  7,  1880,  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
Congress  itself  adjourning  that  year  on  June 
16th.^-^  No  reason  was  given  for  the  action; 
but  it  was  understood  that  such  leave  would 
allow  him  to  attend  the  Greenback  National 
Convention  which  was  to  meet  in  Chicago  on 
June  9th,  and  by  which  he  was  to  be  nominated 
for  the  Presidency.  His  prominence  in  Iowa  as 
a  Eepublican  leader  before  his  change  of 
parties,  supplemented  by  his  activity  in  Con- 
gress for  two  sessions,  made  him  inevitably  one 
of  the  most  promising  Greenback  presidential 
probabilities  in  1880.  He  seems  to  have  been 
very  optimistic  in  regard  to  the  prospects  for 
the  Greenbackers  playing  an  important  part  in 
the  election.^2^ 

There  was  clearly  a  chance  that  the  new 
party  might  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  the 
next  Congress  as  it  had  hoped  to  do  in  the 
Forty-sixth    Congress.      The    narrow    escape 

155 


156  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

from  defeat  in  1876,  together  with  the  dissatis- 
faction of  many  Republicans  with  the  adminis- 
tration of  President  Hayes,  gave  encourage- 
ment to  the  hopes  of  success  of  the  Democrats. 
In  any  event  the  new  party  might  find  itself  in 
a  position  of  advantage.  No  selection  of  Presi- 
dent by  the  electors  might  throw  the  election 
into  the  House,  and  in  such  an  event  the  Green- 
backers  would  hold  a  place  of  great  strategical 
importance,  and  might  conceivably  dictate 
which  one  of  the  leading  candidates  should  be 
made  President.  Political  uncertainty  in  1880 
favored  the  Greenback  party. 

In  1879  occurred  the  biennial  election  for 
Governor  in  Iowa,  John  H.  Gear  being  a  candi- 
date for  reelection.  Weaver  was  reported  to 
have  decided  against  fusion  with  the  Democrats, 
and  to  have  said  that  the  Greenback  vote  in  the 
State  would  amount  to  75,000.  He  also  believed 
the  Greenbackers  would  carry  the  South  in 
1879.  An  editorial  on  an  interview  with  him  in 
The  Iowa  State  Register  in  September  de- 
scribed him  as  **the  leader  of  his  party  in  this 
State  and  a  popular  candidate  of  it  for  the 
Presidency  next  year.''  Weaver  announced 
that  the  ^^ great  guns"  of  the  party  —  Solon 
Chase  and  Congressman  Murch  of  Maine, 
James  Buchanan  and  Congressman  De  La 
Matyr  of  Indiana,  and  ^'Old"  Jesse  Harper  of 
Illinois  —  were  coming  to  Iowa  to  help  elect  a 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        157 

Greenback  congressman  in  the  Fifth  District  to 
fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  the  mem- 
ber elected  in  1878.  Success  in  this  contest 
would  strengthen  the  Greenbackers  in  Congress 
as  well  as  prepare  the  way  for  the  campaign  in 
1880.  Weaver  himself  had  taken  part  in  the 
campaign  in  Maine,  from  which  he  had  just 
returned. 

His  estimate  of  the  Greenback  vote  in  Iowa 
was  too  optimistic  —  the  actual  count  was 
nearer  45,000  than  75,000.  But  1879  witnessed 
some  near  successes  in  Maine  and  Massachu- 
setts that  made  his  predictions  actually  more 
reasonable  at  the  time  than  subsequent  events 
now  lead  us  to  believe.  In  Iowa,  too,  the  Green- 
backers  received  the  largest  vote  ever  cast  for 
a  third  party  in  that  State  —  thus  partly  justi- 
fying Weaver's  optimism.^-^*  On  the  eve  of  the 
campaign  of  1880  there  was  really  some  ground 
for  the  belief  that  the  situation  of  the  Green- 
backers  corresponded  to  that  of  the  Republican 
party  in  the  early  days  of  its  existence. 

In  January,  1880,  a  National  Greenback 
Labor  conference  was  held  in  Washington, 
attended  by  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  delegates  exclusive  of  the  Greenback 
Congressmen.  Most  of  those  present  were  rep- 
resentatives of  State  and  local  Greenback 
organizations  with  a  few  from  trade  and  labor 
unions.     The  gathering  was  composed  of  law- 


158  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

yers,  editors,  workingmen,  and  farmers,  repre- 
senting many  different  shades  of  political  and 
social  reform.  After  the  chairman  of  the 
National  Committee  had  called  the  conference 
to  order.  Congressman  Murch  of  Maine  was 
made  permanent  chairman.  The  purpose  of 
the  meeting  was  to  decide  the  time  and  place 
for  the  next  national  nominating  convention, 
and  after  considerable  discussion  Chicago  was 
selected  as  the  place  and  June  9th  as  the  time. 
Besides  adopting  the  usual  resolutions  the 
conference  endorsed  Weaver's  bill  for  the 
equalization  of  soldiers'  pay  and  bounties;  but 
immediately  afterwards  Weaver  himself  ap- 
peared and  asked  the  withdrawal  of  the  endorse- 
ment, since  in  his  opinion  the  matter  was  not 
suitable  for  consideration  at  that  time.  His 
request  was  promptly  complied  with.^-^ 

A  few  months  later  General  Weaver  was  said 
to  favor  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler  of  Massa- 
chusetts as  the  best  man  for  the  Greenbackers 
to  nominate  for  President;  and  Congressman 
De  La  Matyr  agreed  with  him,  declaring  that 
with  Butler  as  a  candidate  the  election  would  be 
thrown  into  the  House  and  the  Democrats 
would  vote  for  Butler  in  preference  to  a  Re- 
publican.^-^ 

Early  in  June,  1880,  Weaver,  Gillette,  and 
Senator  David  Davis  of  Illinois,  had  an  ex- 
tended   conference    in    Washington    upon    the 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       159 

political  situation.  It  was  hoped  by  Weaver 
and  Gillette  that  Senator  Davis  wonld  consent 
to  become  the  candidate  of  the  Greenback  part}^ 
for  the  Presidency  and  the  meeting  was  ar- 
ranged with  that  object  in  view.  The  confer- 
ence occurred  in  one  of  the  committee  rooms  of 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives  and  lasted  for 
about  three  hours.  Senator  Davis  declared  that 
he  felt  grateful  for  the  mention  of  his  name  as 
*^the  candidate  of  the  industrial  people,  and 
was  in  accord  with  most  of  their  purposes ;  but 
he  was  not  in  a  situation  to  accept  the  nomina- 
tion and  must  decline,  and  we  were  instructed 
to  see  that  his  name  was  not  placed  before  the 
convention.  We  plead  with  him  to  yield,  but 
without  avail.  "129 

In  May,  1880,  the  Iowa  State  Greenback  Con- 
vention met  at  Des  Moines.  Resolutions  to 
present  General  Weaver  as  the  first  choice  of 
Iowa  Greenbackers  for  President  to  the  Na- 
tional convention  were  objected  to;  but  upon 
the  explanation  being  made  that  only  a  recom- 
mendation to  the  delegates  was  intended,  the 
resolutions  were  adopted  upon  motion  of  L.  H. 
Weller  ^Svith  three  cheers  and  a  tiger."  Gen- 
eral Weaver,  Congressman  Gillette,  Daniel 
Campbell,  and  M.  H.  Moore  were  chosen  dele- 
gates at  large.i-^^ 

The  National  Greenback  Convention  met  at 
Chicago  on  Wednesday,  June  9,  1880,  and  con- 


160  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

tinned  in  session  until  early  Friday  morning- 
Considerable  confusion  attended  its  organiza- 
tion because  of  the  very  varied  elements  of 
which  it  was  composed.  Almost  every  phase 
of  radical  opinion  of  the  time  had  representa- 
tives anxious  to  have  their  peculiar  views 
recognized.  Supporters  of  woman  suffrage 
and  socialism  were  especially  active  in  their 
efforts;  and  there  were  divisions  among  the 
Greenbackers  themselves,  some  favoring  fusion 
with  the  Democrats  and  others  opposed  to  com- 
promise of  any  kind.  Woman  suffrage  was 
given  a  hearing,  but  no  reference  to  it  was  made 
in  the  platform.  Forty-four  delegates  from  the 
Socialist  Labor  party  were  admitted  to  the 
convention  at  their  own  request  in  order  ^Ho 
make  common  cause  against  the  common  enemy 
—  the  money  power. ' ' 

Apparently  General  Butler  was  most  gener- 
ally thought  of  as  a  candidate  for  President  at 
the  beginning  of  the  convention  —  at  any  rate 
he  seems  to  have  been  the  second  choice  of  a 
very  large  number.  Edward  P.  Allis  of  Wis- 
consin also  had  ^^a  good  deal  of  strength  among 
Western  delegates.'^  Later  the  sentiment  of 
the  convention  turned  to  Weaver.  Nomina- 
tions began  at  one  o'clock  Friday  morning  and 
continued  for  three  hours.  Congressman  Gil- 
lette nominated  General  Weaver  and  six  other 
candidates  were  named.     At  four  o'clock  an 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       161 

informal  ballot  was  taken  and  resulted  as  fol- 
lows: General  Weaver,  226;  Hendrick  B. 
Wright,  126;  Stephen  Dillaye,  119;  General 
Butler,  95;  Solon  Chase,  89;  Edward  P.  Allis, 
41 ;  and  Alexander  Campbell,  21. 

Before  a  formal  ballot  was  taken  the  names 
of  Wright,  Dillaye,  Allis,  and  Campbell  were 
withdrawn.  When  in  the  balloting  it  appeared 
that  General  Weaver  had  over  500  votes.  States 
rapidly  changed  their  votes;  and  when  the  re- 
sults were  announced  at  six  o'clock,  he  was 
declared  to  be  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  con- 
vention for  President.  B.  J.  Chambers  of 
Texas  was  quickly  nominated  for  Vice  Presi- 
dent. Escorted  by  a  committee  that  had  been 
appointed  to  request  his  presence.  General 
Weaver  appeared  and  accepted  the  nomination 
in  a  *'few  neat  and  timely  words.''  At  6.45 
A.  M.  after  an  all  night  session  the  convention 
adjourned.^^^ 

A  committee  authorized  by  the  convention 
and  composed  of  S.  F.  Norton,  E.  P.  Allis, 
Solon  Chase,  S.  D.  Dillaye,  and  E.  H.  Gillette, 
wrote  General  Weaver  *Hhat  the  Greenback 
Labor  party  of  the  United  States,  represented 
by  830  duly  elected  delegates  from  36  States  of 
the  Union,  assembled  in  National  Convention 
.  .  .  .  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence 
in  your  integrity  as  a  servant  of  the  people, 
unanimously  nominated  you  for  the  office  of 

12 


162  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

President  of  the  United  States  ....  We 
also  notify  you  that  the  convention,  realizing 
the  fact  that  the  press,  the  pulpit,  and  public 
speakers,  are  to  such  an  extent  in  the  service 
and  under  the  control  of  our  political  oppo- 
nents, that  our  limited  force  of  newspapers  and 
public  speakers,  are  at  a  disadvantage,  in  point 
of  numbers,  in  the  work  of  discussing  the  ques- 
tions of  finance  and  labor  reform,  passed  a  reso- 
lution urgently  requesting  you  to  devote  your 
time  to  personally  addressing  the  people  at 
public  meetings  during  the  campaign.'^ 

On  July  3,  1880,  from  his  home  at  Bloom- 
field,  General  Weaver  formally  accepted  the 
nomination  ^^as  a  solemn  duty'\  After  refer- 
ring to  the  importance  of  the  union  of  ^Hhe 
various  Greenback  and  Labor  elements  into  one 
compact  organization '',  he  declared  that  ^Hhe 
admirable  platform  adopted  by  the  convention '  * 
met  with  his  **  cordial  approval.  It  is  compre- 
hensive, reasonable  and  progressive  —  contain- 
ing those  principles  of  economic  reform  essen- 
tial to  the  preservation  of  the  liberty  and  the 
prosperity  of  the  whole  people." 

An  adequate  circulating  medium  was,  in  his 
opinion,  at  the  basis  of  the  prosperity  of  the 
people  of  the  country.  Such  a  medium  could 
only  be  issued  by  the  government  and  should 
not  be  controlled  by  banking  corporations.  The 
existence  of  the  national  banking  system  de- 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       163 

pended  upon  the  continuance  of  a  national  debt, 
both  institutions  having  been  borrowed  from 
the  English  monarchy.  He  urged  the  payment 
of  the  public  debt  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and 
maintained  that  the  surplus  revenues  and  the 
idle  coin  in  the  Treasury,  together  with  that 
which  would  accumulate  under  the  silver  law 
of  1878,  would  be  sufficient  to  pay  off  the  debt 
within  the  next  six  years.  The  only  excuse  for 
funding  the  debt  was  to  perpetuate  the  national 
banking  system  which,  with  other  corporations, 
was  ^^fast  swallowing  up  the  profits  of  labor, 
and  reducing  the  people  to  a  condition  of  vas- 
salage and  dependence.  Those  monopolies,  of 
whatever  class,  headed  by  the  associated  banks, 
are  interlocked  in  purpose,  and  always  act  in 
closest  sympathy.'' 

General  Weaver  believed  that  ^^the  great 
problem  of  our  civilization''  was  ''to  bring  the 
producer  and  consumer  together",  and  to  do 
this,  besides  an  adequate  currency,  the  ''rigid 
regulation  of  inter-State  commerce  and  trans- 
portation" was  necessary.  As  both  of  these 
wxre  in  the  control  of  monopoly,  the  producer 
and  the  consumer  were  being  ground  into 
"poverty  and  ruin".  He  was  "especially 
thankful"  that  the  platform  was  "open,  bold, 
and  unmistakable  on  these  great  questions", 
because  the  Republican  and  Democratic  plat- 
forms were  either  "silent"  or  "pronounced  in 


164  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

favor  of  the  monopolies  and  against  the 
people''. 

As  to  other  items  in  the  platform  he  referred 
particularly  to  the  fact  that  an  area  of  the 
public  domain  ^'larger  than  the  territory  occu- 
pied by  the  great  German  empire"  had  been 
*^ wantonly  donated  to  wealthy  corporations", 
while  a  bill  to  enable  poor  people  to  reach  and 
occupy  the  public  lands  had  been  ^^  ridiculed 
and  defeated"  in  Congress.  The  public  do- 
main should  be  sacredly  reserved  for  actual 
settlers,  and  where  corporations  had  not  com- 
plied strictly  with  the  terms  of  the  grants,  the 
lands  should  be  reclaimed.  The  Iowa  State 
Register  described  this  proposal  as  ^'the  So- 
cialistic land  resolution  adopted  by  the  recent 
national  convention  of  the  Greenback-Labor 
party"  in  noting  the  receipt  by  the  national 
executive  committee  of  the  Socialist  Labor 
party  of  a  letter  in  which  Weaver  expressed 
approval  of  the  resolution.^^^ 

As  to  the  immigration  of  persons  from  for- 
eign countries  General  Weaver  thought  that 
those  *^  seeking  homes  and  desiring  to  become 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  should  be  encour- 
aged, but  the  importation  of  Chinese  servile 
laborers ' '  should  be  strictly  prohibited. 

He  pointed  out  that  the  bondholders  had 
been  paid  in  gold,  while  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
had  been  paid  for  their  services  in  greenbacks. 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       165 

The  soldiers  had  been  taxed  to  pay  the  interest 
on  the  bonds,  while  the  bondholders  had  gone 
free.  During  the  existing  Congress  all  efforts 
for  relief  had  failed  because  of  the  rigid  rules 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  dicta- 
torial power  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  Speaker. 

In  this  letter  of  acceptance  General  Weaver 
took  occasion  to  declare  that  *^one  of  the  grand 
missions'^  of  the  Greenback  party  was  ^*to 
banish  forever  from  American  politics  that 
deplorable  spirit  of  sectional  hatred,  which  for 
base  purposes''  had  been  kept  alive  by  the 
Republican  and  Democratic  leaders.  *^Let  us 
have  a  free  ballot,  a  fair  count,  and  equal  rights 
for  all  classes  —  for  the  laboring  man  in  North- 
ern manufactories,  mines  and  workshops,  and 
for  the  struggling  poor,  both  white  and  black, 
in  the  cotton  fields  of  the  South.'' 

Finally,  he  urged  '*  united  action  of  all  indus- 
trial classes,  irrespective  of  party  .... 
to  re-establish  in  the  administration  of  public 
affairs,  the  old  time  Democracy  of  Jefferson 
and  Jackson,  and  the  pure  Republicanism  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  Thaddeus  Stevens." 

In  answer  to  the  desire  of  the  convention 
that  its  candidates  *^  visit  the  various  sections 
of  the  Union  and  talk  to  the  people ' ',  he  replied 
that  it  was  his  ^  intention  to  comply  with  this 
request  to  the  extent"  of  his  ability.^''^ 

This  letter  of  acceptance  embodied  Weaver's 


166  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

views  upon  public  policies  on  the  eve  of  the 
presidential  campaign  in  1880.  His  funda- 
mental interest,  as  has  been  already  indicated, 
centered  in  finance,  including  the  currency, 
banks,  and  the  public  debt:  he  favored  the  use 
of  greenbacks  and  silver  upon  an  equality  with 
gold.  As  a  Western  man  he  also  felt  the  need 
of  the  regulation  of  transportation,  and  he 
believed  he  discerned  a  connection  between  the 
money  power  and  the  railroads.  He  anticipated 
by  many  years  the  idea  of  ^interlocking  direc- 
torates.'^  He  saw  another  field  of  activity  of 
the  corporations,  especially  of  the  railroads,  in 
the  public  lands,  and  here  he  anticipated  in  part 
the  later  policy  of  conservation  of  natural 
resources.  He  felt  that  the  soldier  had  been 
discriminated  against  in  favor  of  the  bond- 
holder, but  he  discouraged  a  continuance  of 
sectional  controversy  between  the  North  and 
the  South.  He  hoped  for  the  union  of  all  the 
forces  of  democracy  in  his  day  just  as  before 
the  Civil  War  there  had  been  a  union  of  all  the 
forces  opposed  to  slavery.  In  his  day  he  saw 
in  the  place  of  slavery  the  money  power  and 
industrial  monopoly.  Weaver  was  the  first  real 
leader  in  a  movement  which  has  gone  on  in- 
creasing in  momentum,  but  which  has  by  no 
means  as  yet  attained  the  goal  to  which  he 
looked. 

The  campaign  of  the  Greenback  candidate 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        167 

seems  to  have  begun  in  July :  it  ended  only  with 
election  day.  He  covered  the  country  from 
Arkansas  to  Maine,  and  from  Lake  Michigan  to 
Mobile.  In  July  and  August  he  spoke  in  Ala- 
bama, Georgia,  Arkansas,  West  Virginia,  and 
Indiana.  Late  in  August  he  went  to  Maine, 
speaking  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  on  his  way 
there,  and  at  Cooper  Union,  New  York,  on  his 
return.  In  October,  at  Des  Moines,  he  de- 
scribed his  campaign  to  date  by  saying  that  he 
had  been  speaking  in  the  open  air  for  nearly 
one  hundred  days,  sometimes  twice  a  day;  had 
made  more  than  one  hundred  speeches;  had 
travelled  20,000  miles;  had  shaken  hands  with 
30,000  persons;  and  had  addressed  500,000 
people  in  fifteen  States.  At  Terre  Haute, 
Indiana,  he  had  an  audience  of  30,000,  and  at 
other  places  in  that  State  he  had  spoken  to 
8000,  10,000,  and  12,000  people.  Notwithstand- 
ing continued  rain.  Cooper  Union  in  New  York 
City  w^as  packed  to  its  utmost  capacity.  His 
campaign  in  Maine  was  described  as  a  tri- 
umphal march.  People  were  said  to  have  trav- 
elled over  two  hundred  miles  to  hear  him  at 
Portland,  and  then  were  greatly  disappointed 
because  his  time  was  limited  by  the  lateness  of 
the  hour.^3^ 

Late  in  September  the  charge  was  made  that 
the  Greenback  canvass  was  being  ^'manipulated 
in  the  interest  of  the  Republican  party,  and 


168  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

General  Weaver's  expenses  borne  in  large 
measure  from  the  Republican  campaign  fund. ' ' 
The  author  of  the  charge,  Dyer  D.  Lum,  assist- 
ant secretary  of  the  Greenback  National  Com- 
mittee, described  a  meeting  of  the  Executive 
Committee  in  New  York  in  July  at  which,  be- 
sides the  chairman  of  the  National  Committee, 
Congressman  Murch  of  Maine,  General  Weaver, 
Lee  Crandall,  Edward  Daniels,  Geo.  0.  Jones, 
and  Lum  himself  were  present.  They  ^Sverc 
also  assisted  with  the  advice  and  counsel  of 
Senator  John  P.  Jones  of  Nevada."  At  that 
meeting  General  Weaver  proposed  the  name  of 
Geo.  0.  Jones  to  raise  funds  for  the  campaign. 
When  General  Weaver  was  in  New  York  on 
his  way  from  the  South  to  Maine,  Lum  claimed 
to  have  called  his  attention  to  a  rumor  that 
Jones  had  received  $5000  from  the  Republican 
fund.  Weaver  was  described  as  replying  *'that 
it  made  no  difference  how  much  had  been 
received,  for  his  tour  of  Alabama  and  Arkansas 
would  have  been  simply  impossible  without  the 
aid  Mr.  Jones  extended  to  him.''  General 
Weaver  was  accompanied  from  New  York  to 
Boston  by  Mr.  Jones,  and  on  that  trip  it  was 
arranged  that  Weaver  should  oppose  fusion  in 
Maine,  and  create  disaffection  between  the 
Greenbackers  and  Democrats.  Lum  declared 
that  every  act  of  Weaver  recently  had  aimed  to 
injure  the  Democrats. 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        169 

In  addition  Lum  referred  to  visits  made  by 
him  to  Republican  leaders,  including  General 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  from  whom  he  obtained 
information  as  to  sums  of  money  given  to 
Jones  and  by  Jones  sent  to  Weaver.  Informa- 
tion as  to  the  existence  of  this  plan  had  come 
gradually,  and  in  his  desire  to  protect  the  party 
from  scandal  he  had  hitherto  remained  silent. 
Now  that  the  policy  was  becoming  a  matter  of 
general  suspicion,  and  other  persons  were  pro- 
testing, he  felt  that  he  ought  not  longer  to 
remain  silent.  Consequently,  he  regarded  it  as 
his  duty  to  give  the  information  that  he  had  to 
the  chairman  of  the  National  Committee,  who 
had  not  been  in  close  touch  with  the  campaign 
since  the  July  meeting. 

In  reply  to  these  charges  General  Weaver 
declared  that  Lum's  statement  was  ^^base, 
treacherous,  and  false  in  all  of  its  essential 
features.''  He  then  gave  a  list  of  the  moneys 
received  by  him  since  his  nomination  for  Presi- 
dent. These  amounted  to  $1,695,  of  which  $800 
had  come  from  Mr.  Jones.  Out  of  these  funds 
he  had  paid  the  expenses  of  his  ^^ong  and 
laborious  campaign",  and  he  had  contributed 
$570  to  party  expenses  in  various  States.  The 
remainder  $1,125  had  fallen  short  by  $100  of 
paying  his  actual  expenses.  He  knew  '^  person- 
ally" that  the  national  executive  committee  was 
in  debt  several  hundred  dollars  for  documents 


170  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

sent  out  to  the  people.  He  had  given  a  careful 
statement  of  the  sums  received  and  the  immedi- 
ate sources,  but  he  did  not  know,  and  had  not 
asked  where  the  money  originally  came  from, 
and  he  did  not  care  in  the  least.  He  did,  how- 
ever, '^most  positively  assert"  that  he  had 
**  never  requested,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
personally  or  through  another,  contributions 
from  the  Republican  committee,  its  agents  or 
friends;  nor  have  I  the  promise  or  hope  of 
receiving  any  money  from  such  source.  The 
people  of  this  nation  have  heard  and  read  my 
speeches  during  the  campaign,  and  can  certify 
whether  they  have  been  delivered  in  the  interest 
of  the  Republican  party  ....  I  treat 
both  [parties]  alike,  and  compel  them  to  face 
the  record  they  have  made.  I  am  making  an 
open  fight  for  the  integrity  of  my  party  and 
the  welfare  of  the  people  against  both  the  old 
rotten  organizations.  I  defy  all  traitors  in 
Christendom  to  injure  me  in  the  least. ' ' 

The  next  effort  of  the  opponents  of  General 
Weaver  to  discredit  him  took  the  form  of  a 
forged  letter,  purported  to  have  been  written 
by  him  to  Gillette  early  in  September.  In  this 
letter  the  opinion  was  expressed  that  most  of 
the  Greenbackers  who  had  come  from  the  Re- 
publican party  would  return  to  that  party ;  and 
so  the  problem  was  how  to  hold  the  Democratic 
vote.    The  letter  answered  that  it  was  ''only  by 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       171 

the  breaking  of  that  party  we  can  hope  to  suc- 
ceed. If  we  can  hold  that  vote  it  will  probably- 
elect  the  Republican  candidate,  but  we  must  be 
cruel  in  order  to  be  kind  and  may  possibly 
throw  the  election  in  [to]  the  House  where  our 
chances  would  all  be  equal.  Should  the  fusion 
in  Maine  be  successful  ....  to  which  I 
am  indifferent;  as  it  would  only  inure  to  the 
success  of  the  Democrats  in  the  October  States 
and  elect  their  ticket  in  November,  our  position 
would  not  be  enhanced  but  threatened." 

The  forged  letter  was  published  in  the  latter 
part  of  October  in  the  New  York  Star,  a  Demo- 
cratic paper.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  it.  General 
Weaver  issued  a  sworn  statement  in  which  he 
branded  the  document  as  ^^an  unqualified 
forgery  throughout."  He  had  never  written 
such  a  letter  and  had  not  ''entertained  such 
sentiments  or  thoughts".  Congressman  Gil- 
lette also  immediately  denied  ever  receiving 
such  a  letter  from  Weaver,  and  declared  that 
from  conversations  with  him  he  knew  that  he 
did  not  hold  such  opinions.  Mrs.  Gillette  had 
conducted  her  husband's  correspondence  during 
the  period  when  the  letter  was  supposed  to  have 
been  written,  and  she  added  her  statement  to 
those  of  General  Weaver  and  Congressman 
Gillette. 

The  trick  of  the  Democrats  seems  to  have 
had  for  its  purpose  the  winning  of  the  election 


172  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

by  weakening  Weaver  so  that  he  would  not  get 
as  many  Democratic  votes  as  he  might  other- 
wise obtain.  The  Democrats  were  dissatisfied 
because  Weaver  did  not  favor  fusion  with  them 
in  1880.  They  had  hoped  that  he  would  follow 
the  same  policy  in  the  national  campaign  as  he 
had  followed  in  the  Congressional  election. 
Apparently  Weaver  believed  that  there  was  a 
chance  for  the  Greenbackers  to  develop  strength 
enough  to  dictate  to  the  old  parties  and  possibly 
even  displace  one  of  them.  At  Des  Moines  in 
October  he  predicted  the  election  of  from 
twenty-five  to  fifty  Congressmen,  and  he 
thought  that  they  would  ^ '  crowd  the  old  parties 
close  in  some  States  on  the  electoral  ticket'' .^^^ 

In  connection  with  these  charges  the  Iowa 
State  Press,  a  Democratic  paper,  declared  that 
General  Weaver  had  not  done  anything  to 
favor  the  Democrats  during  the  entire  cam- 
paign. He  had  urged  fusion  with  the  Repub- 
licans in  Alabama,  but  had  denounced  fusion 
with  the  Democrats  in  Maine.  Recently  the 
most  prominent  Greenbacker  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  Congressman  Murch  of  Maine,  had  de- 
nounced his  policy  in  the  present  campaign. 

General  Weaver  wrote  to  the  Pennsylvania 
Greenbacker,  Frank  Hughes,  in  answer  to  his 
published  charges  that  he  was  opposed  to 
fusion.  He  was  ^'in  favor  of  an  open,  straight 
fight  against  the  Democratic  and  Republican 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        173 

wings  of  the  Money  Power",  and  had  '^no 
choice  between  them.  If  you  have,  take  your 
choice  and  go  where  you  belong. 

^^It  is  impossible  for  the  Greenback  party  to 
overthrow  the  old  parties  by  forming  an  alli- 
ance with  them  to  place  them  in  power.  Nor 
can  an  honest  man  have  any  respect  for  a  party 
organization  that  will  do  so. 

''You,  sir,  have  the  right  to  differ  with  me  in 
opinion;  but  you  mistake  the  sentiment  of  the 
Greenback  voters  ....  if  you  think  they 
are  in  favor  of  dividing  our  electoral  ticket 
anywhere  with  either  of  the  old  parties." 

''As  to  your  insinuation  that  I  am  actuated 
by  sinister  motives  in  anything  said  or  done  by 
me  during  the  campaign,  I  denounce  you  as  a 
slanderer  and  calumniator." 

About  the  same  time  The  loiva  State  Register 
said  editorially  that  General  Weaver  made  mis- 
takes, but  was  never  charged  with  corruption. 
It  was  added  that  he  never  made  a  fusion  in 
which  he  could  not  dictate  the  terms. ^^^ 

In  the  election  in  November,  General  Weaver 
received  308,578  votes  as  compared  with  slight- 
ly over  80^00  cast  for  Peter  Cooper  in  1876. 
The  ten  States  contributing  the  largest  number 
of  votes  in  the  order  of  votes  cast  were  Mis- 
souri, Michigan,  Iowa,  Texas,  Illinois,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Kansas,  Indiana,  New  York,  and  Ken- 
tucky.   Only  two  of  these  States  Avere  eastern : 


174  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  Greenback  Labor  party  was  chiefly  west- 
ern. ^^'^ 

The  election  of  1880  was  the  first  national 
election  in  which  a  third  party  had  had  aggres- 
sive leadership  attempting  to  create  a  new 
party.  General  AVeaver  seems  to  have  believed 
sincerely  in  the  possibility  of  such  a  manifesta- 
tion of  strength  by  the  Greenbackers  that  the 
Eepublican  and  Democratic  parties  would  be 
compelled  to  recognize  their  importance.  Of 
course  he  was  disappointed  in  the  immediate 
outcome,  but  the  result  that  he  undertook  in 
one  way  has  to  a  considerable  extent  been 
brought  about  in  another  manner:  instead  of 
the  creation  of  a  new  party  there  has  been  the 
permeation  of  both  the  old  parties  by  the  ideas 
for  which  he  stood.  The  social  and  industrial 
emphasis  in  the  politics  of  the  present  goes 
back  to  Weaver  as  the  pioneer.  Social  politics 
had  its  source  in  the  campaign  of  1880  —  a  cam- 
paign that  ranks  historically  with  those  of  1896 
and  1912.  His  actual  canvass,  in  the  extent  of 
territory  covered,  and  the  number  of  people  to 
whom  he  appealed  directly,  was  not  excelled 
until  the  Bryan  campaign  of  1896.  He  esti- 
mated that  he  had  spoken  to  a  million  people  in 
sixteen  States.^^* 

Shortly  after  the  election  in  November  there 
was  a  meeting  in  Chicago  of  a  half  dozen  promi- 
nent Greenbackers  of  the  northwest.     During 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        175 

the  conference,  which  was  for  the  purpose  of 
consultation,  a  reporter  of  the  Chicago  Tribune 
interviewed  General  Weaver,  w^ho  said  that  the 
^'Greenback  party  has  reason  to  feel  proud  of 
the  result  [of  the  election]  so  far  as  it  is  con- 
cerned. We  did  not  expect  to  elect  our  Presi- 
dential candidate,  but  we  expected  to  establish 
ourselves  as  a  party  to  be  respected.'^  When 
he  was  asked  how  he  accounted  for  the  falling 
otf  of  the  Greenback  vote  in  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Ohio,  and  Michigan,  he  replied  that  there  was 
no  falling  off  if  the  country  as  a  whole  was 
considered.  The  vote  four  years  before  was 
only  80,000,  while  for  the  present  year  it  would 
be  from  300,000  to  500,000.  The  States  re- 
ferred to  were  ''neutral  ground  when  the  two 
great  parties  were  fighting  for  their  lives,  and 
that  fact  drew  many  votes  from  our  party. 
Many  men  were  afraid  of  the  Solid  South,  who 
otherwise  would  have  voted  and  worked  for  us. 
They  were  afraid  to  throw  their  votes  away 
while  that  question  remained  unsettled.  Now 
the  Southern  question  is  forever  settled.  Now 
the  Democratic  party  is  dead.  The  Solid  South 
is  broken.'' 

In  reply  to  an  inquiry  as  to  how  he  expected 
the  break  in  the  South  would  be  effected,  he 
said:  ''Through  the  Independent  party  —  the 
Greenback  party.  I  believe  the  question  of  a 
free  ballot  was  settled  at  the  last  election,  but  I 


176  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

believe  that  this  settlement  will  not  be  accom- 
plished by  the  Republican  party.  The  South 
will  never  accept  the  Republican  party,  but  they 
must  accept  the  Republican  idea.  History  is 
repeating  itself,  and  we  expect  to  be  the  new 
party  built  on  the  ruins  of  the  dead  Democ- 
racy. ' ' 

The  reporter  then  asked  General  Weaver 
about  his  future  course,  and  he  answered  that 
he  should  make  his  '^  fight  solely  and  squarely 
against  the  Republicans.  We  shall  insist  on  a 
discussion  and  settlement  of  the  great  economic 
questions  ....  The  Republicans,  under  the 
leadership  of  John  Sherman,  and  the  Demo- 
crats under  Senator  Bayard,  will  insist  on  the 
demonetization  of  silver  and  the  retirement  of 
the  greenback.  We  shall  oppose  that,  and  I 
believe  that  the  Republicans  of  the  West  will  be 
unanimous  in  defense  of  silver  and  the  green- 
back. If  they  dare  to  press  this  question  —  and 
I  believe  they  intend  to  —  we  shall  gain  thou- 
sands of  Republican  and  Democratic  votes,  and 
will  surely  succeed  on  that  issue.  We  shall  not 
press  for  expansion,  but  we  shall  urge  the  dis- 
placement of  the  National  bank-notes  by  the 
greenbacks.  The  Republicans,  I  believe,  will, 
as  soon  as  they  get  into  power,  pass  the  Fund- 
ing act,  putting  oif  debate  under  the  previous 
question  if  necessary.  What  I  should  advocate 
would  be  to  pay  off  the  bonds  in  silver,  from  the 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        177 

surplus  revenues,  thus  giving  the  bondholder 
coin  of  the  standard  in  use  at  the  time  the  bonds 
were  issued.  The  people  do  not  want  a  simple 
gold  currency,  and  any  attempt  of  the  Eepub- 
lican  leaders  to  pass  such  a  measure  will  cause 
a  stampede  to  our  party.  I  should  not  increase 
the  circulation  except  by  the  silver  coined 
according  to  the  amount  fixed  by  law. " 

In  concluding  the  interview.  General  Weaver 
said:  '^I  can  tell  you  one  thing.  We  are  in 
accord  with  the  Eepublican  idea  on  the  Na- 
tional question.  Every  good  Greenbacker  spells 
the  word  ^Nation'  with  the  biggest  kind  of  an 

]N^   M139 

Soon  after  the  Chicago  conference  General 
Weaver  issued  an  address  to  the  ^^  National 
Greenback  Labor  Voters  of  the  United  States'' 
on  the  results  of  the  election.  The  main  fea- 
tures of  this  address  were  a  claim  that  ^^near 
five  hundred  thousand  votes"  were  cast  for  the 
party's  candidates,  and  an  earnest  appeal  to 
his  supporters  to  reorganize  for  the  next  cam- 
paign. The  Iowa  State  Register  received  an 
advance  copy,  and  made  the  comment  that  the 
General  had  become  ^*  saturated  with  Victor 
Hugo 's  didactic  style,  as  witness : 

^'All  hail,  glorious  army! 

'^Champions  of  equal  rights,  freedom  and 
brotherhood,  I  salute  you! 

^^  Around  the  altar  of  universal  justice,  I  in 

13 


178  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

my  heart  clasp  hands  with  each  of  you,  while 
we  renew  before  the  whole  country  our  cove- 
nant never  to  cease  our  labors  until  we  are 
victorious.'^  The  further  comment  was  added 
that  he  did  not  say  anything  about  the  loss  of 
15,000  votes  in  Iowa  in  one  year.  ^^Such  small 
matters  do  not  interest  the  undismayed  and 
hopeful  General. ''14^ 


X 

Close  of  the  First  Term  in  Congress 

1880-1881 

The  last  session  of  General  Weaver's  first  term 
in  Congress  lasted  from  December  6,  1880,  to 
March  3, 1881.  Legislation  in  which  he  took  the 
greatest  interest  and  the  passage  of  which  he 
opposed  most  vigorously  was  the  bill  for  the 
refmiding  of  the  national  debt.  This  bill  had 
been  left  over  from  the  preceding  session,  and 
was  debated  in  the  House  intermittently  from 
December  14,  1880,  to  its  passage  on  January 
19,  1881.  At  the  very  close  of  the  session  it  was 
finally  vetoed  by  President  Hayes  because  of  a 
provision  in  it  which  seemed  to  him  to  threaten 
the  permanence  of  the  national  banking  sys- 
tem.i^^ 

On  December  21,  1880,  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  ways  and  means  tried  to  dispose 
of  the  funding  bill  before  the  holidays  by  limit- 
ing debate  upon  it  to  two  or  three  hours.  There 
was  considerable  opposition  to  this  proposal 
both  because  of  the  shortness  of  time  before 
adjournment  for  the  holidays  and  because  of 
the  presence  of  barely  a  quorum  of  members. 

179 


180  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Among  others  Weaver  opposed  the  proposition, 
saying  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  important 
bills  then  pending  and  that  he  protested  most 
heartily  against  such  haste.  He  protested  in 
the  name  of  his  **  constituents,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  and  if  there 
are  sufficient  members  upon  this  floor  who  will 
stand  by  me  —  if  there  are  twenty-five  men  who 
will  sustain  me  in  my  efforts  —  I  will  see  that  it 
does  not  pass,  and  that  it  is  not  to  be  consid- 
ered now.'' 

The  motion  to  limit  debate  was  not  agreed  to 
by  the  House  and  consideration  of  the  bill  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole  proceeded.  Congress- 
man Gillette  obtained  the  floor  for  one  hour, 
and  after  speaking  twenty-five  minutes  yielded 
the  remainder  of  his  time  to  Mr.  Weaver  who, 
as  he  was  not  fully  prepared  to  speak,  asked 
the  privilege  of  retaining  the  time  until  some 
other  occasion.  The  request  was  granted  by 
unanimous  consent.  No  member  wishing  to 
speak,  it  was  moved  that  the  committee  rise. 
The  question  was  then  raised  whether  the  com- 
mittee could  control  its  action  in  the  future,  and 
to  obviate  the  difficulty  it  was  proposed  to  give 
Weaver  leave  to  print  his  remarks. 

At  this  point  the  chairman  of  the  ways  and 
means  committee,  Fernando  Wood  of  New 
York,  who  had  been  temporarily  absent,  re- 
turned and  moved  to  proceed  to  consider  the 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       181 

bill  by  sections.  He  declared  that  he  was  quite 
willing  to  allow  the  House  to  dispose  of  the  bill, 
but  that  he  did  not  propose  to  permit  '^a  few 
members  ....  less  than  one-twentieth  of 
its  members,  to  force  the  House,  and  control 
this  bill.'^  He  pointed  out  that  there  were  two 
ways  of  defeating  a  measure.  One  way  is  to 
vote  it  down;  *^ another  is  when  those  who  de- 
sire to  defeat  a  measure  are  not  ready,  and  ask 
the  House  to  delay  action  until  they  are  ready. 
The  gentleman  from  Iowa  who  held  the  floor 
obtained  it  for  one  hour.  If  he  is  not  prepared 
to  occupy  his  hour,  any  other  gentleman  who 
desires  to  speak  is  entitled  to  the  floor,  if  the 
Chair  recognizes  him.  But  if  nobody  is  ready 
to  continue  the  general  debate,  it  is  my  right 
and  my  duty  to  move  that  we  now  proceed  to 
the  consideration  of  the  bill  by  sections. '^ 

Congressman  Mills  of  Texas,  who  had  al- 
ready opposed  the  hurried  consideration  of  the 
bill  before  the  holidays,  replied  that  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York  [Mr.  Fernando  Wood, 
chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee] 
need  not  lecture  him  about  his  rights  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House  and  that  ^^he  ought  not  to 
permit  his  zeal  to  serve  the  syndicates  and 
bankers  in  Wall  street^'  to  lead  him  ''to  insult 
a  member  ....  who  is  asking  this  House 
to  give  a  grave  and  deliberate  consideration  to 
a  great  question,  the  passage  of  a  bill  which 


182  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

amounts  to  no  less  than  to  condemning  the 
generations  that  are  to  come  after  us  to  the 
slavery  of  a  perpetual  debt  to  satisfy  the  god- 
less greed  of  the  men  in  Wall  street,  whom  the 
gentleman  represents."  He  notified  Mr.  Wood 
that  he  would  resist  his  efforts  to  force  the 
measure  through  by  the  use  of  every  parlia- 
mentary means  known  to  the  rules  of  the 
House;  he  resented  Mr.  Wood's  reference  to 
the  opposition  of  a  few  members.  He  then 
moved  to  strike  out  the  enacting  clause  of  the 
bill. 

Mr.  Wood  protested  that  his  remarks  had  not 
referred  to  the  gentleman  from  Texas.  He  had 
had  notice  served  on  him  ''by  the  leader  of  a 
very  small  party  in  this  House  that  every  par- 
liamentary stratagem  and  right  they  could 
possibly  command  they  would  make  use  of  to 
prevent  the  passage  of  any  funding  bill.'' 
General  Weaver  interrupted  the  speaker  with 
the  statement :  ' '  and  I  now  renew  that  declara- 
tion in  the  presence  of  the  whole  House". 

Continuing  Mr.  Wood  denied  that  he  was  con- 
nected ''directly  or  indirectly  in  the  remotest 
degree  with  any  Wall  street  brokers  or  with  any 
selfish  interests."  He  was  controlled  by  a  ma- 
jority of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means,  and 
he  regarded  it  as  his  duty  to  press  for  the 
passage  of  a  bill  that  would  enable  the  govern- 
ment to  maintain  its  honor  and  its  credit.    He 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       183 

was  not  wedded  to  the  details  of  the  bill,  but 
provision  must  be  made  for  the  redemption  of 
the  bonds  maturing  the  coming  summer. 

A  number  of  members,  including  Mr.  Bland 
of  Missouri  and  the  Speaker,  Mr.  Randall  of 
Pennsylvania,  then  took  part  in  the  discussion. 
General  Weaver  asked  the  latter  a  question  in 
regard  to  the  effect  of  granting  discretion  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  as  to  the  issue  of 
long  or  short  time  bonds,  expressing  the 
opinion  that  the  capitalists  would  compel  him 
to  issue  long  time  bonds.  Mr.  Randall  replied 
that  he  was  opposed  to  giving  too  much  dis- 
cretion to  the  Secretary,  but  that ' '  the  difficulty 
about  the  position  of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa'' 
was  that  he  was  not  willing  *^to  do  anything 
that  looks  to  a  permanent  debt,  or  the  further 
exchange  of  any  bond  which  continues  even  the 
present  aggregate  of  the  public  debt.  The  truth 
is  we  have  this  debt  on  our  hands,  and  if  we 
have  not  the  money  to  pay  it  off  absolutely 
now,  we  have  to  provide  for  it  by  new  loans  in 
some  way.  Therefore  the  gentleman's  position 
is  not  a  practical  one,  nor  does  he  present  a 
business-like  argument  that  would  be  applicable 
to  the  business  either  of  an  individual,  a  firm,  a 
corporation,  or  a  government." 

In  answer  to  the  Speaker's  criticism  of  his 
position.  Congressman  Weaver  stated  that  he 
was  opposed  to  any  permanent  debt,  and  that 


184  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Mr.  Randall  would  be  *^if  he  was  following  in 
the  footsteps  of  Thomas  Jefferson.'^  He  him- 
self was  opposed  to  *Hhe  funding  of  any  portion 
of  the  public  debt  beyond  the  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  pay  it  when  it  pleases."  The 
Speaker  pointed  out  that  General  Weaver 
would  increase  ^Hhe  aggregate  of  the  circula- 
tion of  the  country  to  meet  these  bonds", 
and  would  consequently  '*  produce  inflation 
and  depreciate  values  of  every  description." 
Weaver's  reply  was  that  the  gentleman  did  not 
understand  the  doctrines  of  the  Greenback 
party,  and  to  this  statement  the  Speaker  made 
the  rejoinder  that  he  was  in  favor  of  green- 
backs before  Weaver  was. 

To  this  sally  from  the  Speaker  Weaver 
answered  that  he  was  ^^like  Saul  of  Tarsus,  per- 
secuting the  saints  at  the  time  the  gentleman 
was,  like  Judas,  serving  with  the  Apostles.  I 
am  not  now  in  that  condition.  The  resolution 
which  I  had  so  hard  a  time  to  get  before  the 
House  at  the  last  session  proposed  to  pay  the 
public  debt  according  to  the  contract,  and  in  no 
other  way. ' '  In  reply  to  another  question  about 
paying  the  debt  in  silver.  Weaver  remarked 
that  no  one  had  referred  to  the  hoard  of  silver 
on  hand  in  the  Treasury  which  could  be  used 
for  the  purpose  without  endangering  resump- 
tion. He  declared  that  he  would  not  support 
any  measure  that  took  from  the  government  the 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       185 

right  to  pay  the  bonds  in  standard  silver  coin. 
^'It  is  very  marvelous  that  the  leading  demo- 
crats of  the  East  are  found  to  be  in  full  accord 
with  the  republican  party  of  this  country  when 
it  comes  to  the  consideration  of  the  question  of 
finance  and  other  great  economic  questions. '  ^ 

Eeference  having  been  made  to  the  recent 
political  campaign,   General  Weaver  declared 
that  the  success  of  his  party  in  his  section  of  the 
country   was    ^^very   marked  ^\      The    district 
which  he  represented  was  carried  by  the  Re- 
publicans ^^by  seven  majority,  and  they  had  to 
put  in  one  hundred  and  fifty  illegal  votes  to 
count  it  that  way.     There  was   a  republican 
majority  of  four  thousand    ....    two  years^ 
ago,   and   the   district   remains    reliably   anL 
republican    to-day. ' '      The    Greenback    parfcj  N  T  V  E  R  s  i 
throughout  the  country  polled  **  nearly  400  pek  ^       of 
cent,  of  an  increase  over  the  vote  polled  in    '"^•^^^^lliiSls: 
1876.'^ 

In  answer  to  a  question  as  to  what  length  of 
time  would  be  required  to  meet  the  debt  falling 
due  in  1881  if  no  refunding  act  should  be 
passed,  the  Speaker  replied  that  in  his  opinion 
the  government  could  pay  in  ready  cash 
$72,000,000,  and  of  the  remaining  $600,000,000 
that  $400,000,000  certainly  could  be  placed  in 
2-10  year  bonds,  and  the  balance  only  need  be 
put  into  a  permanent  loan  at  3%.  To  another 
question  as  to  how  long  it  would  require  to 


186  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

retire  all  the  bonds  falling  due  in  1881  at  tlie 
existing  rate  of  income,  Mr.  Randall  estimated 
the  surplus  revenue  to  be  $90,000,000  a  year, 
and  the  number  of  years  could  be  ascertained 
by  dividing  the  amount  of  the  bonds  by  the 
amount  of  surplus  revenue. 

Discussion  then  turned  to  the  platform  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  1868  which  demanded  the 
payment  of  the  bonds  in  greenbacks  and  to  the 
fact  that  at  that  time  General  Weaver  was  a 
Republican.  Weaver  replied  by  saying  that 
about  the  time  he  got  converted  to  the  Demo- 
cratic theory,  the  Democratic  party  w^ent  back 
on  it.  Furthermore  he  declared  that  ^Hlie 
democratic  party  in  its  whole  history  has 
simply  camped  every  four  years  exacth^  where 
the  republican  party  camped  four  years  before, 
and  during  the  late  campaign  they  were  neck 
and  neck  with  the  republican  party  in  their 
doctrine. ' ' 

General  Weaver  pointed  out  that  in  1876  the 
Democrats  complained  because  the  Republicans 
had  not  hastened  resumption  and  urged  the  re- 
peal of  the  resumption  act  that  action  might  be 
taken  immediately,  he  supposed,  but  they  were 
beaten  again.  To  the  suggestion  that  they  were 
cheated  out  of  the  election,  he  replied  that  they 
were  '^beaten  out  of  it  some  way''.  Asked  as 
to  who  was  elected  in  1876,  he  answered-:  ^'I  do 
not  believe  anybody  was  elected.''     Again,  in 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       187 

reply  to  a  question  for  whom  he  voted  in  1876, 
he  said:  ^'for  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  .  .  .  . 
and  I  am  sorry  for  it/' 

In  1878  the  Democratic  party  in  all  sections 
of  the  country  favored  ^Hhe  substitution  of 
greenbacks  for  national-bank  currency,  and  the 
abolition  of  national  banks,  one  currency  of 
equal  legal-tender  value  with  coin,  and  the  abo- 
lition of  national  bank-notes/' 

But  in  1880  the  time  came  again  as  in  1860 
when  the  Democratic  party  had  to  choose  which 
set  of  ideas  should  dominate  in  the  management 
of  its  affairs.  In  1860  it  had  to  decide  between 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Jefferson  Davis;  no 
agreement  w^as  made  and  the  party  was  divided 
and  defeated.  In  1880  ^4t  had  to  be  determined 
whether  August  Belmont  and  the  Bayards,  the 
eastern  w^ing  ....  should  dominate  on 
all  these  questions,  or  whether  leaders  like 
Hendricks  of  Indiana,  Ewing  of  Ohio,  Voorhees 
of  Indiana,  Trimble  of  Iowa,  and  Beck  of  Ken- 
tucky, should  dominate  in  the  councils  of  the 
party,  and  whether  the  policy  of  the  South  and 
West  should  be  adhered  to.  The  result  was  that 
the  Bayards  and  the  August  Belmonts  dom- 
inated, and  the  sequel  was  the  overthrow  of  the 
democracy  —  a  just  retribution  for  forsaking 
the  principles  they  had  enunciated  to  the 
people. 

*' There  is  but  one  party  in  the  country", 


188  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

declared  General  Weaver,  ^Hhat  does  adhere 
strictly  to  the  principles  it  has  enunciated  be- 
fore the  public  —  save  and  except  the  repub- 
lican party,  which  is  open  and  bold  in  its  piracy 
upon  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  The  party  I  refer  to  does  adhere  to  its 
maintenance  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  is 
above-board  in  the  declaration  of  its  principles, 
and  will  be  till  it  sweeps  this  country.  And  let 
me  say  to  those  who  laugh  at  the  diminutive 
size  of  the  greenback  party  that  that  comes  with 
an  ill  grace  from  the  republican  side  of  the 
House,  when  in  my  own  short  memory  I  can 
recall  the  time  when  the  republican  party  did 
not  poll  so  many  votes  as  did  the  national  green- 
back party  in  the  last  campaign." 

Another  question  from  a  Democratic  mem- 
ber led  Weaver  to  add  that  the  platform  of  1880 
was  ^^a  slap  in  the  face  of  every  southern  and 
western  democrat,  and  of  every  democrat  who 
formerly  adhered  to  the  declarations  of  1868 
and  ....  of  1878.  It  was  the  repudiation 
of  a  Voorhees,  a  Hendricks,  a  Ewing,  a  Thur- 
man,  the  wisest  and  most  fearless  and  talented 
leaders  that  the  democratic  party  has  produced 
in  modern  times.  It  was  an  indorsement,  and  a 
cowardly  indorsement,  of  the  republican  theory 
of  finance  and  of  funding.  And  the  result  was 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  said,  if  that 
is  to  be  the  settled  policy  of  the  Government, 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS        189 

we  prefer  to  trust  the  party  that  has  shown 
itself  the  time-honored  friend  of  the  bondholder 
and  of  the  syndicates  of  the  country;  we  will 
not  swap  horses  while  crossing  the  stream. '' 

These  remarks  of  General  Weaver  led  to 
angry  retorts  from  Democratic  members,  in 
which  the  charge  made  during  the  recent  cam- 
paign that  he  used  his  influence  in  favor  of  the 
Republican  party  was  repeated.  Congressman 
Bland  declared  that  he  might  deny  it,  but  he 
knew  ^'what  is  matter  of  public  history,  and 
that  men  high  in  the  caucus  of  his  own  party 
charged  him  with  this  conduct  in  the  canvass 
.  .  .  .  his  whole  campaign  ....  cor- 
responds with  his  speech  here  in  the  interest  of 
the  party  that  has  conducted  this  Government 
and  passed  the  laws  he  has  complained  of  and 
fixed  them  upon  the  people  of  this  country,  and 
against  the  party  that  all  this  time  has  opposed 
that  policy.'' 

At  this  point  Congressman  William  Sparks 
of  Illinois  interjected  a  remark  to  the  effect 
that  Weaver  was  then  a  Eepublican  and  sup- 
ported those  policies.  Weaver  understood  him 
to  refer  to  the  recent  campaign  and  retorted: 
^'The  gentleman  is  crazy".  To  which  Sparks 
replied:  ^^The  gentleman  states  a  falsehood". 
Weaver  rose  to  a  question  of  privilege,  but 
Bland  claimed  he  had  the  floor,  and  continued 
his  attack  upon  Weaver,  whom  he  described  as 


190  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

^'belonging  to  his  pretended  greenback  party ^' 
while  he  ^^  seems  to  be  more  hostile  to  the  demo- 
cratic party  to-day  than  he  was  when  holding 
to  his  old  faith.  That  seems  to  be  the  whole 
purpose  and  object  of  these  new  parties,  to 
supplant  and  cut  down  the  democratic  party 
.  .  .  .  My  friend  from  Iowa  seems  to  have 
the  sympathy  of  gentlemen  on  the  republican 
side  of  the  House.  They  seem  to  be  a  sort  of 
harmonious  family,  and  therefore  we  may  ex- 
pect that  when  he  makes  another  change  it  will 
be  simply  to  go  back  to  his  old  bed  and  lie  down 
in  the  place  that  is  mentioned  in  scripture 
where  wallow  and  mire  are  named." 

In  reply  to  the  insinuations  of  Congressman 
Bland,  Weaver  made  answer  that  ''the  gentle- 
man from  Missouri  has  sought  to  create  the 
impression  that  I  have  been  a  chronic  office- 
seeker  in  the  republican  party,  and  that  I  left 
it  because  I  was  disappointed  by  not  getting 
an  office.  That  is  not  true.  When  I  left  the 
republican  party  it  had  sixty  thousand  majority 
in  Iowa  over  all  opposition  combined.  I  left  it 
because  I  believed,  on  investigation  of  its  prin- 
ciples, that  its  policy  was  hostile  to  the  interests 
of  the  people,  and  that  there  was  no  possible 
chance  of  reforming  that  party.  That  is  why 
I  left  the  republican  party  and  have  remained 
out  of  it  ever  since,  and  I  am  more  at  war  this 
moment  with  that  party  than  ever  before;  and 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS        191 

no  amount  of  abuse  can  drive  me  or  induce- 
ments lure  me  into  a  party  that  is  hostile  to  the 
principles  which  my  party  promulgates.  I  will 
organize  with  any  man  to  fight  the  money  power 
who  will  agree  with  me  on  the  principles  I  advo- 
cate, without  regard  to  the  party  to  which  he 
has  formerly  belonged/' 

At  this  point  Congressman  Sparks  asked 
Weaver  to  yield  to  him  a  moment  and  explained 
that  his  previous  statement  had  not  been  in- 
tended in  any  way  to  reflect  upon  his  conduct 
during  the  recent  campaign,  but  had  referred 
to  his  membership  in  the  Republican  party  in 
1868  to  1873  when  the  objectionable  legislation 
was  passed.  General  Weaver  accepted  the  ex- 
planation, but  refused  to  yield  more  time.  He 
said  that  because  of  confusion  in  the  House  he 
had  misunderstood  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
and  had  replied  in  the  w^ay  he  did.  ^  ^  The  gentle- 
man replied  very  otfensively  that  that  was  a 
falsehood.  Now,  having  been  compelled  once 
to  apologize  ....  the  gentleman  should  be 
very  careful  about  using  language  of  that  kind. 
I  did  not  take  it  as  a  personal  insult ;  I  did  not 
take  it  as  applying  to  me.  If  the  gentleman 
ever  does  apply  such  language  to  me,  and  does 
it  within  the  reach  of  my  arm,  I  certainly  shall 
personally  chastise  him."  Here  Sparks  again 
interrupted  to  say  that  ^'the  gentleman  talks 
about  what  he  will  do  within  the  reach  of  his 


192  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

arm.  Sir,  that  gentleman  could  not  do  any- 
thing Svithin  the  reach  of  his  arm\  I  spurn 
with  contempt  the  reach  of  his  arm.  The  reach 
of  his  arm  would  affect  me  about  as  little  as  it 
affected  the  last  presidential  election.'' 

Weaver  replied  by  cautioning  the  member 
from  Illinois  not  to  talk  when  he  was  excited 
and  said  that  he  was  perfectly  safe  so  far  as  he 
was  concerned.  His  apology  was  ample  and  he 
accepted  it,  but  he  warned  him  against  the  use 
of  such  expressions  which  he  believed  in  Ken- 
tucky were  *  ^  regarded  as  the  first  blow  .... 
And  the  gentleman  is  mistaken  about  my  fight- 
ing weight;  it  is  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
pounds."  Mr.  Sparks  quite  naturally  replied 
by  saying  that  his  weight  was  two  hundred  and 
fifteen  pounds.  A  further  interchange  of  per- 
sonalities led  Weaver  to  denounce  Sparks  as  a 
liar,  to  which  Sparks  responded  by  calling 
Weaver  '^a  scoundrel  and  a  villain  and  a  liar". 
Mr.  Weaver  then  advanced  toward  Sparks  '4n 
a  menacing  attitude",  and  said,  '^If  you  get 
within  my  reach  I  will  hit  you." 

Members  of  the  House  interposed,  the 
Speaker  resumed  the  chair,  and  the  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  with  his  mace  of  office,  moved  about 
the  floor  of  the  House,  and  order  was  restored. 
After  the  committee  of  the  whole  had  risen  in 
due  form,  the  House  adjourned. ^^^ 

The  next  day  before  the  completion  of  the 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       193 

reading  of  the  Journal,  ^Hhe  disgraceful  pro- 
ceedings of  yesterday''  were  considered.  A 
Republican  Congressman  from  Massachusetts, 
S.  Z.  Bowman,  rose  to  make  a  parliamentary 
inquiry  preliminary  to  the  proper  punishment 
by  the  House  of  the  offenders ;  R.  M.  McLane,  a 
Democratic  member  from  Maryland,  proposed 
that  the  offending  members  be  allowed  an 
opportunity  to  apologize,  as  he  felt  sure  they 
would  both  be  ready  to  do  so.  Objecting  to 
such  mild  treatment,  Mr.  Bowman  introduced 
a  resolution  for  the  expulsion  of  Weaver  and 
Sparks  ^^for  gross  breach  of  the  privileges, 
rules  and  decorum"  of  the  House.  A  third 
suggestion  came  from  Thomas  M.  Browne,  a 
Republican  from  Indiana,  for  the  appointment 
of  a  committee  of  three  to  investigate  the  con- 
duct of  the  two  offenders  and  report  to  the 
House  without  delay  ^^what  proceedings  should 
be  taken,  if  any,  to  vindicate  its  dignity. ' ' 

After  considerable  discussion  and  contro- 
versy the  last  proposal,  that  of  Mr.  Browne, 
was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  ninety  to  forty-three. 
At  this  point  Congressman  0.  D.  Conger,  a 
Republican  from  Michigan,  urged  that  the  per- 
sons implicated  should  be  given  an  opportunity 
to  speak  if  they  desired  to  do  so ;  by  unanimous 
consent  such  leave  was  granted. 

General  Weaver  spoke  first,  expressed  regret 
at  his  part  in  the  incident,  and  said  that  there 

14 


194  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

could  not  be  ^^two  opinions  as  to  the  propri- 
ety and  necessity  of  an  apology  to  the  House 
for  what  took  place  yesterday.  No  one  regrets 
the  occurrence  more  deeply  than  I  do  myself. 
I  know  that  I  very  rarely  lose  my  temper  at  all 
either  in  public  debate  or  in  private  life ;  and  I 
had  not  intended  to  do  so  yesterday.  I  can 
only  say  to  the  House  what  is  understood  by 
every  member  and  by  the  country  at  large,  that 
the  language  used  by  myself  was  wholly  un- 
justifiable under  the  rules  of  this  House  and 
the  proprieties  of  debate,  and  was  entirely  out 
of  order.  I  am  not  only  willing,  but  I  am 
anxious,  to  say  so  to  this  House;  I  am  sorry  I 
used  such  language  in  the  presence  of  the 
House ;  and  I  make  my  apology.  Such  conduct 
is  wholly  unjustifiable.  I  certainly  feel  this  as 
deeply  as  any  other  member. 

**I  wish  to  say  further  that  I  had  borne  my- 
self through  a  long  running  debate,  as  I 
thought,  with  good  nature;  and  the  offensive 
language  was  used  just  before  the  close  of  my 
last  remarks  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from 
Missouri  [Mr.  Bland].  The  occurrence  was 
wholly  unexpected  at  the  time.  I  thought  the 
whole  difficulty  was  settled. 

^^I  do  not  wish  to  raise  at  all  any  question  as 
to  who  was  to  blame.  I  say  that,  whether  I  was 
to  blame  or  some  one  else,  or  both  to  blame,  our 
conduct  was  wholly  unjustifiable  as  members  of 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       195 

this  body.  I  apologize  to  the  House  for  my  part 
of  it,  and  ask  to  be  excused. '  ^ 

Mr.  Sparks  then  apologized  in  the  same 
ample  way.  Mr.  McLane  tried  to  withdraw  his 
proposition,  but  was  not  allowed  to  do  so;  Mr. 
Conger  urged  a  vote  on  the  amended  resolution 
of  Mr.  Bowman;  and  Mr.  Singleton  of  Illinois 
moved  that  the  whole  subject  be  laid  upon  the 
table.  By  a  vote  of  105  to  44,  with  142  not 
voting  the  last  proposal  was  adopted.^^^ 

Referring  to  this  episode  in  Congress,  The 
Iowa  State  Register  expressed  itself  editorially 
as  follows:  **Gen.  Weaver  caught  the  eye  and 
ear  of  the  country  again  on  Wednesday  week. 
The  Democrats  were  after  him  a  long  while 
before  the  General's  patience  gave  out.  But 
finally,  after  long  badgering,  and  after  one 
fellow  had  called  him  a  liar,  he  became  virtu- 
ously mad,  told  the  fellow  he  was  another,  and 
pulled  off  his  coat  and  descended  upon  him  in  a 
regular  cavalry  kind  of  charge.  Mr.  Sparks, 
who  was  the  other  fellow,  seeing  that  there 
were  several  gentlemen  ready  to  stop  him,  also 
advanced  on  the  General.  But  the  non-combat- 
ants finally  persuaded  the  hot  bloods  not  to  do 
it,  and  they  didn't.  But  we  warn  them  not  to 
presume  on  Gen.  Weaver.  He  is  a  good  Metho- 
dist, and  likes  peace  as  well  as  anybody,  but 
then  he  was  one  of  the  Second  Iowa  men  and  so 
has  the  muscle  and  grit  to  take  care  of  himself. 


196  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

We  hope,  though,  the  General  will  oblige  his 
own  State  so  much  as  not  to  do  his  fist-fighting 
in  the  halls  of  Congress.  However,  if  he  cannot 
avoid  it  without  appearing  cow^ardly,  we  want 
him  to  take  care  of  himself.  If  it  does  come  to 
that  and  he  don't  whip  the  other  fellow,  he  need 
never  come  back  to  this  State. ''^^* 

The  funding  bill  was  debated  in  the  House  at 
various  times  after  the  holidays  until  its  pas- 
sage on  January  19,  1881.  General  Weaver 
took  part  in  the  discussion  frequently,  repeat- 
ing his  demands  for  the  use  of  silver  to  pay  the 
bondholders,  opposing  the  refunding  of  the 
debt  for  a  long  period  of  years,  and  persisting 
in  his  hostility  to  the  national  banking  system 
as  fostering  the  money  power.  With  great  skill 
and  the  use  of  many  parliamentary  devices,  he 
undertook  to  delay  the  passage  of  the  bill, 
although  he  probably  realized  that  eventually 
it  would  be  put  through  in  some  form.  It 
finally  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  135  to  125, 
with  32  not  voting.  Later  the  House  concurred 
in  the  Senate  amendments,  and  the  bill  went  to 
the  President  only  to  be  vetoed  by  him.^^^ 

During  this  last  session  of  his  first  term  in 
Congress,  General  Weaver  introduced  only  two 
bills  —  one  for  a  pension,  and  the  other  *^to 
authorize  the  construction  and  equipment  of  a 
double-track  steel  railway  from  the  city  of  New 
York,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  to  the  city  of 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       197 

Council  Bluffs,  in  the  State  of  Iowa.''  The 
pension  bill  was  considered  and  passed  by  the 
House,  but  was  lost  in  the  Senate  committee  on 
pensions;  the  railroad  bill  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  railways  and  canals  where  of 
course  it  remained. 

Of  the  two  resolutions  introduced  by  General 
Weaver  during  the  same  session,  one  was  a 
minority  report  from  the  committee  on  elec- 
tions, and  the  other  was  a  proposed  amendment 
to  the  Federal  Constitution  ^'providing  for  the 
election  of  Senators  by  vote  of  the  people.'' 
Here,  also,  the  only  probable  action  was  taken 
—  namely,  reference  to  the  proper  committee.^"*^ 

General  Weaver's  interest  and  reputation 
were  also  shown  by  the  nature  of  the  petitions 
presented  by  him.  By  far  the  largest  number 
of  them  opposed  the  refunding  of  the  public 
debt,  and  urged  the  payment  of  the  same,  if 
necessary,  by  an  issue  of  legal-tender  notes.  A 
few  asked  for  the  passage  of  the  Weaver  Sol- 
dier Bill;  and  there  were  single  petitions  for 
legislation  to  regulate  interstate  commerce,  to 
reserve  the  public  lands  exclusively  for  actual 
settlers,  and  to  make  the  Commissioner  of  Agri- 
culture a  member  of  the  President's  Cabinet.^**^ 

Another  indication  of  General  Weaver 's  chief 
concern  during  his  Congressional  service  is 
found  by  following  his  incidental  remarks  from 
time  to  time.    He  opposed  the  repeal  of  the  bill 


198  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

providing  for  the  use  of  stamps  on  bank-checks 
for  it  would  reduce  revenue  and  facilitate  the 
funding  of  the  debt,  and  the  tax  was  levied  upon 
persons  who  were  as  able  to  bear  it  as  any 
others.^*^ 

He  objected  to  an  appropriation  for  negotia- 
tions with  foreign  governments  with  a  view  to 
the  international  remonetization  of  silver  for  he 
regarded  the  proposal  as  '^simply  an  attempt 
to  bring  about  some  kind  of  international  agree- 
ment or  quasi-legislation  to  be  followed  finally 
by  an  act  of  Congress  by  which  the  silver 
product  of  this  country  will  be  so  manipulated 
that  it  will  be  impossible  to  pay  it  out  for  the 
public  debt.  For  the  purpose  of  placing  this 
country,  the  greatest  silver-producing  country 
of  the  world,  within  the  power  of  France,  it  will 
limit  the  amount  of  silver  we  shall  have  in  circu- 
lation.'^^^^ 

In  a  discussion  in  regard  to  the  appointment 
of  managers  for  the  national  Home  for  Dis- 
abled Volunteer  Soldiers,  it  appears  that  Gen- 
eral Weaver  proposed  the  name  of  General 
Benjamin  F.  Butler  upon  whom  he  said  that  it 
was  unnecessary  for  him  to  pronounce  any 
eulogy.  ^^The  country  knows  him;  history  will 
embalm  his  name  and  fame.  Not  only  that,  but 
the  disabled  soldiers  in  the  very  institutions 
named  ....  have  felt  the  beneficial  effect 
of  his  great  executive  and  administrative  abil- 


CLOSE  OF  TERM  IN  CONGRESS       199 

ity.  As  to  being  non-partisan,  there  is  not  a 
man  in  America  who  can  show  such  a  non- 
partisan record  as  General  Butler.  "^^^ 

In  a  parliamentary  tangle  in  the  House  over 
the  re-apportionment  of  Representatives  in 
Congress,  General  Weaver  proposed  that  ^^the 
right  and  the  left  submit  this  matter  to  the  arbi- 
tration of  the  center,  and  agree  to  abide  by  our 
action.  We  will  act  impartially. ' '  A  member 
remarked  that  ^Hhat  would  be  a  fiat  decision'', 
to  which  Weaver  replied  that  ' '  it  would  be  bet- 
ter than  the  House  seems  able  to  make."^^^ 

During  this  session  Congress  showed  the 
effect  of  the  results  of  the  election  of  1880.  Be- 
fore that  election  both  Republicans  and  Demo- 
crats had  feared  the  possible  strength  of  the 
Greenback  party,  and  Weaver  as  one  of  the 
ablest  of  its  leaders  was  treated  with  a  consid- 
erable amount  of  respect.  Afterwards  the 
older  party  leaders  felt  their  fears  had  been 
exaggerated  and  that  there  was  no  immediate 
danger  of  the  formation  of  a  strong  third  party. 
Consequently  they  treated  Weaver  with  less 
respect. 

The  controversies  of  the  campaign  were  also 
reflected  in  Congress,  especially  the  bitterness 
of  the  Democrats  against  Weaver  because  of 
his  opposition  to  fusion  with  them.  They  re- 
garded him  as  ungrateful  for  their  assistance 
in  his  election  to  Congress.    Hence  their  treat- 


200  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

ment  of  him  and  the  charges  and  insinuations 
that  finally  led  him  to  lose  his  temper  after  a 
long  and  trying  debate.^^^ 

His  leadership  in  a  national  way  seems  to 
have  been  pretty  thoroughly  established  by  the 
end  of  his  first  term  in  Congress.  His  nomina- 
tion to  the  Presidency  in  1880  would  suggest 
such  a  conclusion;  but  in  numerous  less  striking 
ways  it  was  plainly  evident.  His  membership 
and  service  in  Congress  gave  him  national 
leadership,  and  from  1881  he  was  constantly  in 
demand  all  over  the  country  as  a  speaker  and 
advocate  of  economic  and  social  policies. 


XI 

Political  Activity 

1881-1885 

General  Weaver's  term  in  Congress  and  his 
candidacy  for  the  Presidency  in  1880  made  him 
the  leading  exponent  of  Greenback  principles 
in  the  United  States.  His  well-known  ability  as 
a  speaker  and  campaigner  resulted  in  frequent 
demands  for  his  services  in  different  parts  of 
the  country.  The  months  immediately  follow- 
ing his  retirement  from  Congress  in  1881  were 
devoted  to  a  campaign  of  education  in  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Greenback  party.  Late  in  September 
he  declared  that  since  April  he  had  spoken 
nightly  to  audiences  of  from  two  to  ten  thou- 
sand; and  a  month  later  he  stated  that  since 
March  he  had  delivered  one  hundred  forty-nine 
speeches  in  thirteen  States  from  Massachusetts 
to  Kansas. ^^^ 

In  June  he  spent  over  a  week  in  Massachu- 
setts, speaking  in  Boston,  Eeading,  Lawrence, 
Newburyport,  Danvers,  Marblehead,  Lynn,  and 
Springfield.  The  tour  was  arranged  by  the 
State  central  committee  of  the  National  party, 
which  tendered   General  Weaver   a   reception 

201 


202  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

and  a  banquet  at  the  Revere  House,  Boston,  on 
Saturday  afternoon,  June  18th.  Nearly  one 
hundred  persons  from  different  parts  of  the 
State  were  present. 

General  Weaver  declared  in  his  Boston  ad- 
dress that  the  Greenback  party  was  peculiar  as 
an  organization  because  it  believed  in  ^^some- 
thing''—  a  statement  that  could  not  be  made  of 
either  of  the  old  organizations.  In  his  opinion 
^^the  great  task"  before  the  new  party  was 
*Hhat  of  preserving  and  perpetuating  free  gov- 
ernment" in  the  United  States.  He  pointed  out 
how  *Hhe  agents  of  commerce  —  money,  trans- 
portation and  the  transmission  of  intelligence 
—  necessary  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of 
the  republic  had  been  wrenched  from  the  hands 
of  the  people  and  given  into  the  hands  of  soul- 
less corporations  ....  the  old  parties 
did  not  dare  to  champion  the  cause  of  the 
people.  Only  a  party  organized  for  the  specific 
purpose  of  controlling  corporations  could  ever 
accomplish  the  task  ....  Any  party  kept 
in  power  for  twenty-five  years  will  become  cor- 
rupt. You  might  just  as  well  keep  a  president 
in  for  twenty-five  years  as  to  keep  a  party  in 
for  that  time.  It  is  the  same  men  that  are  con- 
trolling the  party  to-day  that  controlled  it  in 
1860,  the  same  old  rings,  and  that  is  the 
tendency  everywhere  now."  He  described  the 
Greenback  party  as  being  in  the  period  of  tol- 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  203 

eration,  after  passing  through  the  periods  of 
ridicule  and  abuse.  '^The  greatest  calamity 
that  could  have  happened  to  the  party  would 
have  been  the  election  of  your  candidate  last 
year". 

During  the  week  he  met  Wendell  Phillips  by 
appointment  at  his  home  on  Essex  Street, 
Boston.  *'The  conversation  covered  a  wide 
range  of  topics  and  embraced  many  pleasant 
reminiscences  of  the  days  when  he  and  Gar- 
rison and  Sumner  stood  side  by  side  in  the 
grand  struggle  for  human  liberty.'^  Compar- 
ing the  conditions  in  1880  with  those  of  forty 
years  before,  Phillips  pointed  out  that  the  per- 
sons engaged  in  reform  had  taken  their  stand 
as  a  result  of  ^^calm  deliberation  and  firm  con- 
viction'', while  in  ^'the  anti-slavery  fight''  they 
were  ^  ^  pitched  into  the  fight  and  hardly  knew  it 
until  they  were  in  the  thickest  of  it."  He  was 
at  that  time  busy  with  the  address  delivered  a 
few  days  later  at  Harvard  College  upon  the 
^^  Scholar  in  a  Republic".  The  visit  of  General 
Weaver  to  Wendell  Phillips  is  an  indication 
that  he  sincerely  believed  that  the  reform  move- 
ment in  which  he  was  engaged  was  similar  to 
the  movement  in  which  the  great  abolitionist 
had  had  so  important  a  part. 

Evidently  General  Weaver  made  a  good  im- 
pression during  this  week  in  Massachusetts  for 
he  was  invited  to  return  in  October  for  two 


204  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

weeks.  One  paper  described  him  as  ^^a  hand- 
some man  and  an  orator  of  the  true  Western 
flavor '\  He  was  in  ^*good  voice,  full  of  his 
favorite  topic,  and  said  his  say  with  an  empha- 
sis indicating  his  heart  to  be  in  the  work.  His 
remarks  were  listened  to  with  rapt  attention. 
The  good  points,  clinched  with  apposite  anec- 
dote or  burst  of  eloquence  or  sarcasm,  had  the 
seal  of  applause  evidently  born  of  conviction. 
As  a  whole  the  lecture  was  instructive,  eloquent 
and  convincing.  The  expose  of  the  inner  work- 
ings of  the  national  bank  system  was  probably 
the  clearest  and  best  ever  given  by  any  orator 
of  this  persuasion,  in  this  city.  The  brief  ref- 
erence to  anti-monopoly  was  timely,  and  indi- 
cates the  position  of  this  party  in  reference  to 
the  more  than  Trojan  struggle  involved,  which 
impends  in  the  near  future  in  this  country.  The 
address  was  well  calculated  to  confirm  the 
faithful  and  to  make  converts. ''^^^ 

During  the  months  of  July  and  August  it 
appears  that  General  Weaver  delivered  twenty- 
six  speeches  in  Kansas  *4n  the  midst  of 
drought  and  hot  winds,  with  the  mercury  from 
104  to  110  in  the  shade.  ^^  The  meetings  were 
usually  attended  by  from  three  to  five  thousand 
people;  and  the  addresses  dwelt  upon  the  duty 
and  prospects  of  the  Greenback  party,  the  hope- 
less condition  of  the  two  major  parties,  and  the 
injustice   of  the  national  debt.     The   speaker 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  205 

summarized  Greenback  policies  as  follows : 
''We  want  three  kinds  of  money.  Gold,  silver 
and  paper,  and  all  issued  by  the  Government, 
and  not  by  the  national  banks.  We  want  bank 
notes  taken  up  and  greenbacks  in  place  of  them. 
We  want  to  put  gags  in  the  mouths  of  the  rail- 
road monopolies,  and  compel  them  by  law  to 
carry  you  and  your  products  for  a  fair  re- 
muneration ....  We  want  every  man  to 
have  the  fruits  of  his  labor.  How  are  you  going 
at  it?  1.  Let  the  Government  call  in  all  na- 
tional-bank notes,  and  issue  greenbacks  in  their 
place.  2.  Pay  oif  the  bonds  in  legal  tender 
Government  notes.  And  if  they  won't  have 
them,  God  Almighty  has  hid  away  in  the  bowels 
of  the  earth  silver  enough  to  pay  the  balance  in 
coin,  if  they  want  it.  If  they  insist  upon  coin, 
let  them  back  up  their  cart  and  take  it.  No 
Greenbackers  want  to  issue  greenbacks  in  un- 
limited amount.  It  is  an  old,  revamped  lie  to 
say  we  do,  but  we  do  say  that  the  Executive 
and  the  representatives  of  the  people  know 
their  wants  better  than  a  few  favored  individ- 
uals working  for  their  own  interests. ''^^^ 

During  1882  General  Weaver  campaigned 
less  extensively  throughout  the  country  since 
he  was  personally  engaged  in  the  canvass  in 
Iowa  as  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  sixth 
district.  He  was  the  leader  of  his  party  in  the 
State,  but  there  was  considerable  opposition  to 


206  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

him  among  the  more  extreme  Greenbackers, 
who  resented  his  willingness  to  fuse  with  the  old 
parties  and  who  were  jealous  of  his  wide  in- 
fluence and  popularity.  One  of  them  declared 
*^that  he  was  tired  of  Weaverism,  into  which 
the  remnant  of  the  Greenback  party  in  Iowa 
had  changed,  and  that  he  should  vote  the  Re- 
publican ticket '\  The  Democrats,  too,  charged 
him  with  the  defeat  of  Hancock  in  1880,  and 
accused  him  of  being  the  active  ally  of  the  Re- 
publicans. They  described  him  as  having  ^*  de- 
serted distinct  Greenback  ground'',  and  passing 
*'as  an  anti-monopolist  ....  a  sham  re- 
former, a  sort  of  $25  a  day  reformer,  who 
sticks  his  finger  into  the  spigot  but  refuses  to 
investigate  the  bung.'' 

Under  the  circumstances,  therefore,  it  proved 
impossible  to  arrange  for  fusion  as  in  1878. 
The  Republicans,  the  Democrats,  and  the  Green- 
backers  each  nominated  a  candidate  in  the 
sixth  district ;  and  the  same  situation  existed  in 
the  seventh  and  eighth  districts.  In  the  only 
district  in  Iowa  —  the  fourth  —  where  fusion 
was  adopted,  the  Greenback  candidate,  L.  H. 
Weller,  was  elected.  The  Greenback  candi- 
dates took  second  place  in  the  sixth  and  eighth 
districts,  while  Gillette,  with  such  a  strong  com- 
petitor as  Kasson  in  the  seventh,  ran  only 
about  nine  hundred  votes  behind  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate.    It  seems  reasonable  to  infer 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  207 

that  "Weaver  would  liave  carried  his  district 
easily,  had  it  been  possible  to  arrange  for 
fusion.  The  official  returns  gave  him  8,569 
votes  as  compared  with  11,250  votes  for  the 
Eepublican  candidate  and  8,040  votes  for  the 
Democratic  candidate.  A  fusion  of  Democrats 
and  Greenbackers  would  have  given  Weaver 
16,609  votes,  two  hundred  forty-three  more 
than  he  received  in  1878.  The  Republican 
candidate  in  1882  actually  received  over  3000 
votes  less  than  the  same  party  candidate  re- 
ceived in  1878. 

The  same  methods  of  campaigning  were  used 
in  1882  that  had  brought  success  in  1878.  Ac- 
cording to  The  Iowa  State  Register  the  work 
began  in  March  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  dis- 
tricts. Reference  was  made  to  the  statement 
of  General  Weaver  that  he  had  already  raised 
$10,000,  and  that  he  was  going  to  increase  it  to 
$50,000.  Evidently  the  Republicans  feared 
General  Weaver  as  a  campaigner,  and  tried  by 
every  means  to  weaken  him  in  the  estimation  of 
the  voters.^^'^' 

In  the  election  of  1882  Congressman  Mar- 
cellus  E.  Cutts,  the  Republican  candidate  who 
had  been  Weaver's  antagonist  in  the  joint  de- 
bates in  1877,  was  successful.  But  Cutts  died 
soon  after  his  reelection  —  before,  indeed,  he 
had  actually  taken  his  seat  in  Congress.  The 
Republican  district  committee  sent  a  ^'distiri- 


208  JAMES  BAIKD  WEAVER 

guished  ex-congressman"  to  Weaver  with  the 
proposition  that,  if  he  would  announce  himself 
as  an  independent  candidate  for  the  vacancy 
upon  his  own  platform,  they  w^ould  not  nomi- 
nate a  candidate  against  him.  He  might  advo- 
cate on  the  stump  and  in  Congress  just  what  he 
had  been  advocating  as  an  independent.  The 
only  promise  they  required  of  him  was  that 
when  elected  he  should  enter  the  Republican 
Congressional  caucus.  This  proposal  was  made 
to  Weaver  at  the  Savery  Hotel  in  Des  Moines : 
it  was  promptly  declined  with  the  statement 
that  if  it  ever  seemed  his  duty  to  return  to  the 
Republican  party  he  would  do  it  without 
reward. 

The  same  offer  was  again  made  to  Weaver  by 
a  **  distinguished  army  comrade  and  was  again 
declined.  The  whole  conversation  between  my- 
self and  these  gentlemen  would  be  illuminating. 
.  .  .  .  The  republican  party  ....  had 
adopted  a  prohibition  platform  and  the  leaders 
were  fearful  of  defeat.  I  received  a  telegram 
on  Saturday  to  ^Come  to  Mount  Pleasant,  im- 
portant'. I  replied  that  I  could  not  as  I  had  an 
appointment  to  speak  in  Missouri  the  next  day 
but  would  be  at  home  at  Bloomfield  on  Sabbath 
and  that  the  party  could  either  see  me  there  or 
write.  When  I  reached  home  I  received  a  letter 
requesting  me  to  meet  a  very  dear  friend,  an 
ex-United  States  Senator  at  Albia  at  midnight 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  209 

the  Monday  following;  that  he  would  be  in  the 
Pullman  car  on  the  Chicago,  Burlington  & 
Quincy  railroad.  I  met  him  in  obedience  to 
that  telegram  and  rode  with  him  to  Chariton. 
This  gentleman  stated  that  the  republican  state 
committee  had  requested  him  to  come  and  make 
to  me  the  following  proposition:  If  I  would 
come  back  into  the  republican  party  I  could 
have  any  position  I  might  desire  and  at  the  first 
opportunity  that  offered.  That  I  could  have  his 
old  place  in  the  United  States  senate  or  any 
place  I  might  want.  I  replied  that  I  could  not, 
with  the  convictions  that  I  then  entertained 
concerning  public  policy,  accept  the  proposition 
and  maintain  my  self-respect  and  hence  was 
compelled  to  decline  absolutely.  He  said  he  had 
told  them  there  was  no  use  making  the  effort 
but  they  had  insisted  so  hard  that  he  yielded  to 
their  importunity.  Let  it  be  remembered  that 
the  republican  machine  in  those  days  could  de- 
liver the  goods  and  set  up  one  man  and  pull 
down  another,  just  when  they  pleased. ''^^"^ 

These  offers  made  in  1883  indicate  very 
plainly  how  Weaver  was  regarded  by  his  for- 
mer party  associates,  and  how  anxious  they 
were  to  induce  him  to  return  to  the  Republican 
fold  six  years  after  his  departure  therefrom. 

In  August,  1882,  General  Weaver  wrote  Gov- 
ernor H.  M.  Plaisted  of  Maine  that  ^Hhe  ex- 
treme urgency  of  the  work'^  in  Iowa  made  it 

15 


210  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

impossible  for  him  to  visit  Maine  as  he  had 
been  invited  to  do  and  as  he  had  intended.  He 
expressed  his  hearty  endorsement  of  Governor 
Plaisted  and  saw  no  reason  why,  because  of  his 
nomination  by  the  Democrats,  any  member  of 
the  national  Greenback  Labor  party  should 
hesitate  to  give  him  unqualified  support. 
**When  monopolies  combine  to  crush  out  liberty 
and  rob  the  people,  shall  not  good  men  associate 
in  self  defence!  Fusion  between  organizations 
whose  creeds  are  contrary  is  hateful.  It  smacks 
of  spoils.  Honest  men  will  shun  it.  But  co- 
operation on  the  part  of  patriotic  people  who 
believe  alike  is  commendable  when  resorted  to 
to  avert  a  common  danger.  In  Maine,  however, 
both  our  ticket  and  our  principles  have  been 
alike  accepted  by  the  Democrats.  What  more 
can  be  asked! ''^^^ 

Although  giving  close  attention  to  the  Green- 
back campaign  in  Iowa  in  1882,  General  Weaver 
also  kept  in  view  the  prospects  of  the  party  in 
the  nation.  Early  in  the  year  he  had  written 
ten  letters  to  leading  Democrats  in  the  South 
and  West,  proposing  a  coalition  between  the 
Greenbackers  and  the  Democrats.  Among  the 
Democrats  written  to  was  Daniel  W.  Voorhees 
of  Ohio.  If  the  Democrats  would  endorse  the 
principles  of  the  Greenback  party,  arrange- 
ments might  be  easily  made  about  offices.  Pre- 
dictions of  Republican  defeat  in  the  next  presi- 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  211 

dential  election  were  freely  made,  based  upon 
this  combination. ^^^  The  result  of  the  election 
of  1884  proved  that  General  Weaver's  political 
judgment  as  to  the  possibilities  of  a  combina- 
tion of  the  Democrats  and  Greenbackers  was 
not  unfounded.  The  opposition  of  a  group  of 
Independents  to  the  Republican  candidate  and 
their  support  of  Cleveland  caused  the  election 
of  the  Democratic  candidate.  How  much  more 
decisive  might  have  been  the  victory  if  the 
wide-spread  sentiment  represented  by  the 
Greenback  party  could  have  been  definitely 
allied  with  the  Democratic  party ! 

General  Weaver's  political  insight  appre- 
hended the  opportunity  for  a  coalition  which 
would  have  anticipated  by  many  years  the  later 
developments  in  American  social  politics.  The 
elections  of  1896,  1912,  and  1916  might  have 
been  preceded  by  one  in  1884  which  would  have 
made  the  later  struggles  unnecessary.  A  more 
sympathetic  and  discerning  candidate  than 
Cleveland  might  have  made  the  work  of  Bryan 
and  Roosevelt  and  Wilson  easier,  and  our  poli- 
tics might  be  free  from  much  of  the  confusion 
that  now  exists.  Probably  the  situation  was 
not  ripe  for  such  developments:  possibly  Gen- 
eral Weaver  was  too  far  in  advance  of  his  con- 
temporaries to  get  concrete  results. 

The  campaign  of  1883  was  ^'one  of  the  most 
hotly  contested  ever  known  in  the  State":  it 


212  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

illustrated  'Svhat  a  genuine  brand  of  Hawkeye 
politics  looks  like".^^^  General  Weaver  took 
an  active  part  in  this  contest  as  the  candidate 
of  the  Greenbackers  for  Governor.  The  un- 
usual feature  of  the  canvass  was  a  series  of 
joint  debates  between  the  Eepublican  and  Dem- 
ocratic candidates  for  Governor;  eleven  meet- 
ings were  held,  beginning  August  29th  and 
ending  October  3rd.  The  request  of  the  Green- 
back party  to  have  its  candidate  included  was 
refused  by  the  Republican  party  because  of  the 
undue  length  of  the  meetings  that  would  result, 
and  also  because  there  was  no  wide  variance 
between  the  two  parties  comparable  to  that  be- 
tween the  Eepublican  and  Democratic  parties. 
General  Weaver,  however,  was  not  entirely 
left  out  of  the  joint  discussions,  since  a  series 
of  appointments  was  made  for  him  '4n  the 
evenings  of  the  same  days  and  at  the  same 
places''  where  the  two  other  candidates  were 
to  speak  in  the  afternoon.  This  gave  him  the 
advantages  of  large  audiences  without  the  dis- 
advantages of  limited  time  to  which  the  other 
speakers  were  held.  Probably  a  large  propor- 
tion of  the  seventy-five  thousand  persons,  who 
heard  the  speeches  of  the  two  leading  candi- 
dates, remained  to  hear  General  Weaver.  Un- 
usually full  reports  of  these  meetings  were 
published  by  the  newspapers,  and  it  was  esti- 
mated that  they  were  ^^read  by  over  a  million 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  213 

readers''.    Such  a  campaign  marks  a  real  gain 
in  democratic  discussion  of  public  questions. 

At  the  first  meeting,  which  was  held  at  Inde- 
pendence, General  Weaver  occupied  a  seat  on 
the  grand  stand  and  was  ^^  greeted  by  a  pleas- 
ant cheer".  At  the  close  of  the  joint  debate,  he 
asked  the  privilege  of  making  a  statement  to 
the  audience,  in  regard  to  a  personal  matter, 
which  was  granted  by  the  Democratic  candi- 
date, Mr.  Kinne;  but  the  chairman  of  the  Re- 
publican State  committee  said:  ^^ Weaver  sit 
down,  this  is  our  meeting."  The  Eepublicans 
tried  to  get  up  a  joint  debate  between  General 
Weaver  and  Colonel  W.  P.  Hepburn,  but  failed 
because  Weaver  refused  to  debate  with  any 
candidate  not  of  equal  rank.  Then  the  Repub- 
licans announced  that  Hepburn  would  speak 
after  Weaver.  In  the  evening  the  crowd  again 
assembled  in  the  same  place  in  which  the  meet- 
ing in  the  afternoon  had  been  held.  Weaver 
there  announced  that  ^Hhis  is  my  meeting  and 
no  Republican  shall  speak  from  this  platform 
this  evening,  and  there  are  a  thousand  men  in 
this  audience  who  will  see  that  he  don't." 
There  was  intense  excitement  for  a  few  min- 
utes, but  that  soon  passed  away,  and  Weaver 
spoke  three  hours  and  closed  in  spite  of  re-* 
quests  to  continue. 

The  Republicans  continued  to  urge  a  joint 
debate  between  Colonel  Hepburn  and  General 


214  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Weaver  at  the  second  meeting,  but  it  was  de- 
clined for  the  same  reasons.  At  several  places 
Colonel  Hepburn  held  opposition  meetings  in 
the  evening,  but  after  the  fifth  meeting  at 
Atlantic  they  were  given  up :  they  were  never 
very  satisfactory  or  successful.  General 
Weaver's  meetings  were  all  largely  attended, 
and  frequently  the  quarters  proved  entirely 
inadequate  to  accommodate  all  who  wished  to 
hear  him.  General  Weaver  was  characterized 
in  the  reports  of  these  meetings  as  '^prominent 
for  his  dramatic  powers,  his  fine  presence,  his 
ability  to  work  on  the  sympathy  of  his  audi- 
ence, and  his  wit.  "^^*^ 

But  of  a  total  of  327,233  votes,  General 
Weaver  received  23,089  —  a  loss  of  over  5000 
from  the  Greenback  vote  of  1881.  The  com- 
bined Democratic  and  Greenback  vote  was 
163,121,  less  by  974  than  that  for  the  Republican 
candidate.  Governor  Sherman  received  164,095 
votes  in  1883  as  compared  with  133,328  Repub- 
lican votes  in  1881.  The  Democratic  vote  in- 
creased from  73,344  in  1881  to  140,032  in  1883. 
The  total  vote  cast  in  1883  exceeded  that  of 
1881  by  92,181.^^2  g^th  old  parties  showed 
decided  gains,  which  indicated  that  the  Green- 
'  backers  were  resuming  their  old  party  rela- 
tions. Under  such  circumstances  even  such  an 
effective  campaigner  as  General  Weaver  could 
not  hope  to  stem  the  tide.    The  Democrats  were 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  215 

destined  to  reap  the  first  political  results  of  the 
protests  of  the  Greenbackers. 

The  principal  topic  of  discussion  among  the 
Greenbackers  of  Iowa  in  1884  was  in  regard  to 
fusion  with  the  Democrats,  since  it  was  becom- 
ing apparent  to  all  but  the  extremists  that 
practical  results  could  be  obtained  in  no  other 
way.  General  Weaver  advocated  fusion  strong- 
ly, and  it  was  adopted  by  the  State  convention 
by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  twenty-five  to  eighty- 
eight.  Fusion  arrangements  covered  presiden- 
tial electors  as  well  as  State  officers.  The 
majority  for  Blaine  was  less  than  20,000  —  the 
smallest  vote  for  a  Republican  candidate  since 
1860.  Politically  the  Congressional  delegation 
stood  seven  Eepublicans  and  four  fusion. 
Weaver  was  the  only  Greenbacker  among  the 
Congressmen  elected,  the  others  being  Demo- 
crats.^^^ 

It  was  as  one  of  the  delegates  at  large  from 
Iowa  that  General  Weaver  went  to  the  National 
Greenback  Convention  which  met  at  Chicago  in 
May,  1884.  His  colleagues  were  L.  H.  Weller, 
E.  II.  Gillette,  and  W\  S.  Kenworthy.  Indeed, 
Weaver  was  the  permanent  chairman  of  the 
convention  which  nominated  Benjamin  F. 
Butler  for  President  upon  the  first  ballot.  It 
is  probable  that  Weaver  favored  Butler  because 
in  1880  he  regarded  him  as  the  best  man  for  the 
Greenbackers  to  nominate  since  there  was  good 


216  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

reason  to  hope  that  the  election  might  be  thrown 
into  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  in  which 
event  the  Democrats  would  vote  for  Butler  in 
preference  to  a  Republican.  In  his  last  service 
as  Congressman  in  1881  he  had  referred  to 
Butler  in  eulogistic  terms. ^^^ 

Again  in  1885  fusion  with  the  Democrats  was 
the  main  subject  of  discussion  in  the  Greenback 
State  convention.  General  Weaver  favored 
fusion  as  he  had  in  the  preceding  year,  making 
the  most  effective  speech  in  support  of  it.  He 
described  himself  as  tied  to  no  party  and  favor- 
ing cooperation  with  the  Democrats  to  over- 
throw the  Republicans.  He  asked  the  minority 
opposed  to  fusion  to  give  it  a  trial.  Having 
followed  the  politics  of  the  State  for  twenty-five 
years,  he  was  confident  that  fusion  would  carry 
the  State  that  year.  He  predicted  that  fusion 
would  secure  a  Greenback  Lieutenant  Governor 
and  State  Superintendent,  with  an  anti-monop- 
oly Governor  and  Judge ;  and  there  was  a  possi- 
bility that  they  might  secure  a  whole  Greenback 
ticket.  Weaver  was  made  permanent  chairman 
of  the  convention,  and  a  motion  to  nominate 
only  two  candidates,  unless  the  Democratic 
candidates  proved  unsatisfactory,  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  STQi/s  to  112i/2.^«^ 

The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  the  Re- 
publican candidate  for  Governor,  William 
Larrabee,  by  a  plurality  of  about  7000.i««    The 


POLITICAL  ACTIVITY  217 

results  of  the  elections  of  1884  and  1885  showed 
that  Weaver's  expectations  for  the  success  of 
fusion  were  by  no  means  unfounded.  To  reduce 
the  Eepublican  plurality  from  50,000  to  less 
than  10,000  in  a  State  like  Iowa  was  no  mean 
achievement;  but  its  significance  was  neglected 
because  it  did  not  lead  to  a  successful  issue.  It 
was  really  a  local  manifestation  of  the  same 
forces  that  brought  about  the  Eepublican  defeat 
in  the  nation  in  1884.  Weaver's  advocacy  of 
fusion  in  these  years  was  a  proof  of  his  political 
insight  and  judgment:  he  had  a  keen  eye  for 
practical  results  —  a  power  not  usually  com- 
bined with  the  qualities  that  make  up  a  pioneer 
and  reformer. 

In  these  near  victories  of  1884  and  1885 
General  Weaver's  part  was  fully  appreciated 
by  some  of  his  Democratic  allies.  The  Des 
Moines  Leader  described  him  as  ^^not  only  the 
most  effective  speaker"  but  *^one  of  the  best 
organizers  in  the  state  ....  with  the 
help  of  two  more  such  men  we  should  have  car- 
ried the  state  by  a  nice  majority.  He  has  the 
gratitude  and  the  warm  esteem  of  every  demo- 
crat in  the  state. "  ^^"^ 


XII 

Ketukn  to  Congeess 

1885-1887 

The  Forty-ninth  Congress  in  which  Weaver 
took  his  seat  on  December  7,  1885,  was  com- 
posed of  one  hundred  eighty-three  Democrats, 
one  hundred  forty  Republicans,  and  two  Na- 
tionalists. The  candidates  for  Speaker  were 
John  G.  Carlisle  of  Kentucky  and  Thomas  B. 
Reed  of  Maine.  Weaver  voted  for  the  majority 
candidate,  and  received  committee  appoint- 
ments as  a  member  of  the  committe  on  labor, 
and  as  chairman  of  the  committee  on  expendi- 
tures in  the  Interior  Department.  The  first 
session  of  this  Congress  lasted  from  December 
7,  1885,  to  August  5,  1886.i^« 

In  the  sixth  district  the  opposing  Republican 
candidate,  Frank  T.  Campbell,  contested  the 
election  of  Weaver  on  the  ground  ^Hhat  81 
illegal  votes  were  cast  for  the  contestee  by  per- 
sons incompetent  as  electors,  and  that  there 
were  some  errors  in  the  count,  amounting  to 
perhaps  half  a  dozen  more''.  It  was  also 
claimed  that  in  one  township  in  Mahaska 
County,  there  were  one  hundred  fifty  ballots 

218 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  219 

received  from  electors  in  violation  of  the  regis- 
try law  of  Iowa,  and  that  sixty  other  votes  were 
cast  in  another  township  in  the  same  county  in 
violation  of  the  same  law.  General  Weaver 
denied  all  these  allegations,  and  charged  that 
there  were  ^'some  50  illegal  votes  cast  for  the 
contestant;  that  some  of  the  persons  casting 
these  votes  were  bribed  and  others  were  colon- 
ized from  adjacent  regions  of  the  country^'. 
Since  the  majority  for  Weaver  was  only  sixty- 
seven  votes,  these  charges,  if  sustained,  would 
have  deprived  him  of  his  seat. 

The  committee  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives reported  that,  after  careful  examination 
of  the  evidence,  they  had  excluded  from  the 
vote  of  the  contestee  sixteen  ballots  as  illegal, 
and  from  the  vote  of  the  contestant  ^^some  35 
ballots''  for  the  same  reason.  According  to 
the  opinion  of  the  committee  ^*the  sole  question 
involved  in  the  contest"  related  ^^to  the  affi- 
davits upon  which  more  than  200  voters  were 
allowed  to  vote.''  The  question  was  ^'purely  a 
legal  one",  and  depended  upon  ^Hhe  proper 
construction  of  the  registry  law  of  the  State  of 
Iowa. ' ' 

In  one  of  the  townships  v/here  the  registry 
board  was  Republican,  the  evidence  disclosed 
*^  clearly  that  there  was  an  attempt  to  manipu- 
late improperly  the  registry-list  for  the  pur- 
pose of  depriving  Democratic  electors"  of  their 


220  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

right  to  vote.  The  evidence  was  *^  uncontra- 
dicted that  out  of  a  voting  population  of  800, 
25  per  cent.,  nearly  all  of  them  Democrats,  were 
purposely  left  off  the  registry-list.  Men  who 
had  voted  there  for  years,  old  and  reputable 
citizens,  were  omitted,  and  on  the  day  of  the 
election  were  so  indignant  and  humiliated  at 
the  neglect  and  impropriety  involved  in  their 
being  left  off  the  list  that  they  absolutely  ab- 
stained from  voting. ' '  About  one  hundred  fifty 
of  those  left  off  the  list  prepared  affidavits; 
one  hundred  and  three  gave  as  reasons  for  their 
names  not  appearing  ^' neglect'^  and  *^left  off 
the  registry-list '' ;  while  thirty-one  others  left 
blank  the  space  where  the  reason  should  have 
been  inserted.  It  was  upon  these  affidavits  that 
the  contestant  based  his  claims  to  the  seat. 

The  majority  of  the  committee  concluded  that 
the  statute  of  Iowa  left  the  matter  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  judges  of  election,  and  that  after 
the  vote  had  been  received  there  was  no  power 
that  could  review  or  reconsider  the  action.  The 
only  basis  for  a  contest,  thereafter,  would  be 
whether  the  voters  were  legally  qualified  and 
competent  electors.  There  was  no  question  but 
that  these  citizens  were,  and  it  was  ''the  barest 
and  most  complete  technicality  ....  that 
was  ever  made  the  basis  of  such  a  claim  either 
in  a  court  or  a  legislative  body".^^^ 

The  majority  of  the  committee  reported  — 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  221 

only  three  of  the  six  Republican  members  dis- 
senting —  that  Weaver  was  entitled  to  his  seat, 
and  when  the  vote  was  taken  there  were  not 
exceeding  six  men  who  voted  in  the  negative. 
Among  those  who  voted  in  favor  of  Weaver 
*  Vere  the  leaders  on  the  Republican  side  of  the 
House.  They  did  not  feel  there  was  anything 
in  the  legal  points  or  the  facts  sought  to  be 
made  against''  him.^"^^ 

As  in  his  first  term  of  service  in  Congress, 
Weaver's  chief  interest  was  in  money  and 
finance,  which  he  regarded  as  the  ^^one  great 
question  of  the  world  ".^^^  His  longest  speech 
was  delivered  in  February,  1886,  under  the  title 
of  The  Conspiracy  and  the  Re-action,  in  w^hich 
he  reviewed  the  history  of  the  monetary  system 
during  and  since  the  Civil  War. 

He  declared  that  '^the  present  great  duty"  of 
Congress  was  ^'to  establish  once  for  all  an  ade- 
quate, permanent  financial  system ' '  that  should 
*^  serve  as  a  basis  for  economic  prosperity  .  . 
.  .  a  system  under  which  there  shall  be  no 
privileged  classes,  and  under  which  the  rights 
of  the  humble  laborer  and  the  capitalist  shall 
be  alike  secure.  It  will  not  be  pretended  that 
w^e  even  approximate  to  this  condition  at 
present. ' ' 

In  his  opinion  there  were  ^Hwo  ever-present 
disturbing  forces  connected  with  our  monetary 
system  —  the    public    debt    and    the    national 


222  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

banks.  They  are  the  evil  outgrowths  of  the 
Civil  War,  and  the  nation  will  ever  be  in  peril 
until  they  are  swept  out  of  existence.  The  hos- 
tility of  the  national  banks  to  silver  coinage  is 
only  one  phase  of  a  conspiracy  which  had  its 
origin  in  the  early  stages  of  the  Civil  War,  and 
which  has  never  yet  been  overthrown.  The  re- 
bellion was  overthrown,  but  this  conspiracy 
never  has  been ;  and  it  will  require  all  the  power 
of  the  country,  now  happily  reunited,  to  uproot 
it.  It  has  grown  with  our  growth  and  strength- 
ened with  our  strength  until  to-day  it  defies  the 
law  and  the  power  of  the  Government.  I  pro- 
pose to  trace  some  of  the  features  of  this  con- 
spiracy and  of  the  reaction  in  public  sentiment 
which  is  now  in  progress.'' 

Weaver  explained  how  gradually  the  con- 
spiracy developed  which  gave  control  of  the 
currency  to  the  banks.  The  main  objects  were 
^^to  place  the  public  debt  beyond  the  possibility 
of  payment,  to  increase  its  amount,  and  to  se- 
cure for  all  time  the  right  and  power  to  control 
the  volume  of  money. ' '  The  conspiracy  to  pre- 
vent Congress  from  paying  the  debt  in  the  *^  cur- 
rency of  the  contract"  began  in  1867,  and  was 
the  purpose  of  the  war  against  silver.  Silver 
was  demonetized  ^^by  stealth"  in  1873,  and  the 
act  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments, 
passed  in  1875,  also  provided  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  greenback  currency.    ''It  was  to  be 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  223 

redeemed  in  gold  coin,  and  the  coin  was  to  be 
obtained  by  a  new  issue  of  interest-bearing 
long-time  bonds,  thus  destroying  our  non- 
interest-bearing  currency  by  converting  it  into 
interest-bearing  debt.''  The  result  was  to  fill 
the  country  ' '  on  the  one  hand  with  wrecked  for- 
tunes, suicides,  helpless  poverty,  and  broken 
hearts,  and  on  the  other  with  exceptional  indi- 
vidual fortunes,  some  of  them  so  monstrous  in 
magnitude  as  to  be  quite  beyond  the  grasp  of 
the  human  intellect. ' ' 

Continuing  Weaver  declared  that  ''the  his- 
tory of  this  struggle  between  the  people  and  the 
confederated  monopolies,  like  every  other  sim- 
ilar struggle  through  which  we  have  been  called 
to  pass,  proves  that  the  confidence  reposed  in 
the  people  by  the  framers  of  our  Government 
w^as  not  misplaced.  The  waves  first  arose,  so  to 
speak,  on  this  vast  ocean  of  human  sufferers, 
and  God  is  still  lashing  it  into  fury  for  the  pur- 
pose of  purifying  the  waters.  The  year  1876 
witnessed  the  organization  of  a  small  body  of 
earnest  and  patriotic  men  under  the  leadership 
of  the  venerable  Peter  Cooper. ' ' 

The  Bland  Act  of  1878  was  ''first  blood  for 
the  people".  It  was  followed  in  the  same  year 
by  the  law  that  stopped  further  destruction  of 
the  greenbacks,  and  this  legislation  in  turn  was 
followed  by  resolutions  which  declared  it  to  be 
the  right  of  the  Government  to  pay  all  its  obli- 


224  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

gations  in  standard  silver  dollars.  These  gains 
were  only  partial,  because  the  Bland  Act  pro- 
vided for  the  issue  of  only  $2,000,000  worth  of 
silver  per  month,  and  the  Treasury  department 
had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  conspirators,  and 
had  defied  the  efforts  of  the  people  in  favor  of 
silver.  The  greenback,  however,  had  become 
permanently  incorporated  into  the  financial 
system  and  its  constitutional  status  had  been 
fixed  by  the  Supreme  Court.  ^^This  was  the 
second  victory  for  the  people  in  this  protracted 
struggle. ' ' 

^^The  year  1884  brought  about  a  great 
change.  To  use  a  homely  illustration,  in  No- 
vember of  that  year  the  people  took  hold  of 
Uncle  Sam's  wagon,  lifted  it  out  of  its  old  ruts 
and  out  of  the  mire,  unhitched  the  old  team, 
hooked  on  a  fresh  one,  and  changed  drivers. 
Now  why  not  move  out  on  the  high  lands  1  Why 
return  to  the  miserable  old  ruts  from  which, 
with  great  difficulty,  we  have  been  extricated  T' 

Weaver's  conclusions,  based  upon  this  survey 
of  events,  were  that  in  the  matter  of  finance 
four  things  must  be  done  by  Congress  in  order 
to  relieve  the  conditions  of  trade,  labor,  and 
commerce. 

^^  Congress  must  provide  for  the  unrestricted 
coinage  of  American  silver  into  standard  silver 
dollars  on  private  account. 

'^A  law  must  be  passed  to  issue  Treasury 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  225 

notes  to  take  the  place  of  bank  notes  as  fast  as 
they  are  retired.  The  banks  are  now  retiring 
their  circulation,  as  is  well  known,  with  great 
rapidity.  This  vacuum  must  be  filled  or  busi- 
ness, now  sorely  languishing,  will  absolutely 
perish. 

*'The  larger  portion  of  the  surplus  now  in 
the  Treasury  must  be  paid  out  in  liquidation 
of  interest-bearing  public  debt  now  subject  to 
call. 

^*We  must  forbid  by  law  any  further  discrim- 
inations against  our  silver  coin.'^ 

In  Weaver's  judgment  these  propositions 
were  reasonable.  They  did  not  involve  the  in- 
flation of  paper  currency  —  the  thing  that 
frightened  so  many  people.  The  only  increase 
would  be  an  increase  of  specie.  He  predicted 
that  a  refusal  to  adopt  these  proposals  would 
meet  'Svith  condign  and  wrathful  retribution 
from  the  country." 

Toward  the  close  of  his  speech  he  referred 
briefly  to  some  other  measures  that  he  believed 
Congress  ought  to  adopt  as  promptly  as  pos- 
sible. He  would  guard  every  acre  of  the  public 
domain  as  the  apple  of  the  eye,  and  forfeit 
every  land  grant  where  the  equities  are  not 
clearly  with  the  grantee.  He  would  organize 
unoccupied  territory,  and  let  the  homeless 
families  have  where  to  lay  their  heads.  He 
would  place  the  remnant  of  the  Indian  tribes 

16 


226  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

upon  a  reasonable  area,  and  open  ^^the  remain- 
der to  civilized  men,  to  law,  to  the  church,  and 
to  the  school-house,  instead  of  to  the  cattle 
syndicates  and  corporations,  either  foreign  or 
domestic^'.  He  would  give  to  the  people  fair 
rates  of  transportation,  and  fair  facilities  for 
getting  their  surplus  to  market. 

In  conclusion  Weaver  declared  that  the  rea- 
son why  so  little  progress  had  been  made  is 
seen  in  the  fact  that  for  twenty  years  every 
branch  of  the  government  had  been  in  the  grasp 
of  monopoly.  ^'When  the  people  ask  for  an 
adequate  system  of  finance  commensurate  with 
the  wonderful  energies  of  the  nation,  the  bank- 
ing corporations  forbid  it.  When  they  ask  for 
a  postal  telegraph,  another  powerful  corpora- 
tion forbids  that.  When  they  ask  that  the  cost 
of  transportation  may  be  cheapened,  another 
liydra-headed  being,  more  terrible  than  the 
apocalyptic  beast,  rises  up  out  of  the  land  in- 
stead of  out  of  the  sea.  When  the  people  want 
cheap  fuel  and  light,  a  confederation  of  monop- 
olists show  their  teeth.  When  they  ask  that 
their  burdens  of  taxation  may  be  lightened  by 
transferring  a  portion  to  the  wealthy  classes 
through  a  graduated  income  tax,  why  then  those 
who  have  been  shirking  their  share  of  the  public 
burdens  rise  up  and  declare  with  one  voice  that 
such  taxes  are  odious.  When  the  whole  coun- 
try cries  out  for  silver,  up  jumps  a  triple  power, 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  227 

composed  of  the  national  banks,  gold  specula- 
tors, and  holders  of  Government  bonds,  backed 
by  all  the  aristocracies  of  Europe,  and  they  cry 
out  with  united  voice,  ^  Oh,  the  silver  dollar  is  a 
dishonest  dollar,  it  is  only  worth  eighty 
cents  !^  ''^'^ 

In  July  it  appears  that  Congressman  Weaver 
spoke  for  ten  minutes  upon  a  resolution,  requir- 
ing the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  disburse 
monthly  in  payment  of  the  public  debt  all  sur- 
plus money  in  excess  of  $100,000,000  —  a  dis- 
bursement that  must  be  in  sums  of  not  less  than 
$10,000,000  per  month.^^^  j^  opening  his  re- 
marks he  referred  humorously  to  the  presump- 
tion of  a  man  who  did  not  live  in  New  York 
having  any  opinion  upon  the  subject.  Perhaps 
the  common  people  ought  to  defer  to  the  judg- 
ment of  New  York,  he  said,  but  *'we  shall  have 
to  discuss  it  for  a  few  minutes  anyhow. ' ' 

In  his  opinion  the  resolution  was  mild  and 
conservative,  for  he  believed  that  the  govern- 
ment could  safely  pay  out  twice  as  much  as 
would  be  paid  out  and  then  have  money  to 
spare.  Nevertheless  he  favored  it  because  it 
directed  the  payment  of  the  public  debt  and 
established  that  as  a  policy.  ^'This,  of  course, 
will  undermine  the  national  banks  and  direct 
public  opinion  to  the  great  question  of  what 
shall  be  the  permanent  currency  of  the  Re- 
public. 


228  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

^ '  The  payment  of  these  3  per  cent,  bonds  will 
be  followed  by  contraction  of  national-bank  cir- 
culation, but  not  to  an  extent  greater  than  the 
amount  paid  out  on  the  bonds.  There  will  be  a 
saving  of  the  interest  which  we  are  now  paying 
on  the  3  per  cents.  I  shall  vote  for  the  resolu- 
tion, but  I  wish  to  amend  it  so  as  to  define  what 
is  meant  by  *  surplus  or  balance',  and  also  so  as 
to  require  the  disbursement  of  all  surplus 
money  in  the  Treasury  in  excess  of  $50,000,000. 
I  think  this  is  enough  and  more  than  is  needed 
as  a  working  balance  and  to  satisfy  the  halluci- 
nation that  possibly  some  one  may  want  at  some 
future  time  to  present  a  few  greenbacks  to  be 
exchanged  for  coin.'*^^^ 

Later  when  the  resolution  came  before  the 
House  again  as  a  conference  report  and  in  a 
still  more  conservative  form  General  Weaver 
announced  his  intention  of  voting  against  it. 
The  original  resolution  having  passed  the 
House  by  a  three-fourths  vote,  he  characterized 
the  action  of  the  House  members  of  the  confer- 
ence committee  as  a  ** cowardly  surrender'*. 
After  its  passage  by  the  House  he  said  that 
**Wall  street  issued  its  decree.  A  caucus  was 
called  of  gentlemen  belonging  in  the  other 
House  of  Congress,  at  the  home  of  a  former 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  in  that  caucus 
the  House  resolution  as  amended  by  the  Senate 
and  substantially  as   finally  reported  by  the 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  229 

committee  of  conference  was  agreed  upon".^^^ 
How  Weaver  would  apply  his  financial  prin- 
ciples concretely  is  shown  by  the  bills  he  intro- 
duced and  the  amendments  proposed  by  him  to 
measures  before  the  House.  On  December  21, 
1885,  he  offered  two  bills  and  a  resolution  upon 
financial  subjects :  one  bill  provided  for  the  free 
and  unrestricted  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar; 
the  other  bill  provided  for  the  issue  of  silver 
certificates  on  the  deposit  of  standard  silver 
dollars;  while  the  resolution  instructed  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  apply  the  lawful 
money  in  the  Treasury  to  the  payment  of  an 
equal  amount  of  the  interest-bearing  public 
debt.i^^  On  January  11,  1886,  he  offered  a  bill 
to  retire  bank-notes  and  to  prevent  fluctuations 
of  the  currency  by  substituting  treasury  notes 
in  place  of  bank  notes,  and  also  a  bill  to  provide 
for  the  issue  of  fractional  paper  currency. ^"^"^ 
Six  months  later,  on  July  21, 1886,  he  offered  an 
amendment  to  the  sundry  civil  appropriation 
bill  to  the  effect  that  no  portion  of  the  appropri- 
ations should  be  expended  for  printing  United 
States  notes  of  large  denomination  in  place  of 
notes  of  a  small  denomination  cancelled  or 
retired.^^^ 

During  July  he  took  an  active  part  in  a  de- 
bate as  to  the  right  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  alter  the  denominations  of  the 
United  States  notes.    He  claimed  that  the  law 


230  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

of  1878  forbade  the  changing  of  the  denomina- 
tions of  notes  that  were  outstanding  at  the  time 
of  its  passage,  while  his  opponents  maintained 
that  the  matter  was  left  to  the  discretion  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  In  addition  there 
arose  a  controversy  between  the  advocates  of 
greenbacks  and  silver.  Congressman  Bland  of 
Missouri  urged  that  the  greenbacks  were  kept 
in  circulation  by  law",  while  there  was  discrim- 
ination against  silver.  He  favored  a  provision 
for  the  issue  of  one  and  two  dollar  coin  certifi- 
cates to  force  silver  into  circulation.  He  would 
not  issue  legal  tender  notes  under  twenty  dol- 
lars, thus  making  room  for  one  and  two  dollar 
coin  notes  issued  upon  silver. 

General  Weaver  replied  that  Bland's  posi- 
tion was  not  tenable.  He  discussed  the  question 
as  if  there  were  a  sufficient  amount  of  money  in 
circulation,  and  as  though  the  question  was 
whether  there  should  be  greenbacks  or  silver. 
He  gave  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  notice 
that  he  was  just  as  good  a  silver  man  as  he  was  ; 
but  if  the  fight  was  between  the  greenback  and 
silver,  he  was  for  greenbacks.  A  better  way  to 
get  silver  into  circulation  would  be  to  pay  it  out 
on  the  public  debt.  He  favored  the  greenback 
because  it  was  far  more  convenient.  There  was 
no  need  of  conflict.  There  was  ample  room 
**for  the  circulation  of  all  the  gold  we  can  get, 
and  all  the  silver  that  will  come  to  us,  and  of  all 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  231 

the  greenbacks  now  authorized  by  law,  and  a 
great  deal  more.'^  He  knew  that  he  had  been 
considered  by  some  people  as  rather  extreme  in 
his  notions  of  finance,  but  he  had  ^'always  been 
in  favor  of  gold,  silver,  and  paper  money,  all 
issued  by  the  Government  and  all  full  legal 
tender  and  properly  limited  in  amount. '' ^'^^ 

At  this  session  General  Weaver  again  intro- 
duced a  bill  for  the  relief  of  soldiers  and  sailors 
such  as  he  had  urged  during  his  first  term  in 
Congress  —  a  bill  that  had  come  to  be  known  as 
the  Weaver  Soldier  Bill.  The  measure  pro- 
posed to  restore  to  those  who  had  fought  in  the 
Civil  War  equal  rights  with  the  holders  of  gov- 
ernment bonds,  which  meant  that  the  soldiers 
should  be  paid  the  difference  in  value  between 
the  depreciated  paper  in  which  they  had  been 
paid  and  gold  as  had  been  done  in  the  case  of 
bond-holders.  It  embodied  two  great  interests 
of  its  author  —  the  soldiers  and  their  claims 
and  the  monetary  problems  of  the  time.  The 
bill,  of  course,  never  had  any  prospect  even  of 
consideration  by  Congress,  although  it  repre- 
sented a  demand  that  had  a  good  deal  of  sup- 
port throughout  the  country.  The  obligations 
of  the  nation  to  the  soldiers  have  been  met  by 
pensions  rather  than  along  the  lines  suggested 
by  Weaver.  He  was  the  channel  through  which 
a  good  many  petitions  urging  the  passage  of 
such  a  measure  and  of  kindred  leorislation  for 


232  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  relief  of  the  soldiers  and  the  common  people 
reached  Congress. ^^*^ 

The  other  subject  to  which  Congressman 
Weaver  gave  extended  consideration  during  his 
second  term  of  service  from  1885-1889  was  that 
of  the  Indian  policy  —  especially  in  connection 
with  the  opening  of  Oklahoma  to  settlement. 
On  December  21, 1885,  he  offered  a  bill  ^^to  pro- 
vide for  the  organization  of  that  part  of  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  now  known  as 
*The  Indian  Territory'  and  the  *  Public  Land 
Strip'  into  a  Territory  to  be  known  as  the  Ter- 
ritory of  Oklahoma,  and  to  provide  a  temporary 
government  for  the  same,  for  allotment  of 
homesteads  to  the  Indians  in  severalty,  and  to 
open  unoccupied  lands  to  actual  settlers.  "^^^ 

Weaver's  general  position  as  to  Indian  policy 
was  stated  on  the  floor  of  the  House  in  January. 
He  hoped  the  time  was  not  far  distant  when  the 
government  would  adopt  a  sensible  policy  to- 
ward the  Indians.  The  uncivilized  Indians 
were  not  self-supporting  and  never  would  be. 
They  were  chiefly  found  lying  around  agencies, 
dependent  on  the  government  for  their  support. 
They  were  allowed  to  occupy  134,000,000  acres 
of  land,  very  little  of  which  they  cultivated,  and 
there  were  but  260,000  Indians  under  the  juris- 
diction of  the  United  States.  Gratuity  appro- 
priations could  only  be  justified  on  the  ground 
that  the  Indians  were  the  wards  of  the  govern- 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  233 

ment.  Let  a  policy  be  adopted  that  will  make 
them  citizens  under  such  safeguards  as  will  in- 
sure their  proper  protection  and  bring  them  in 
proper  relations  to  the  government  and  their 
white  neighbors. ^^^ 

A  substitute  for  Weaver's  bill  was  reported 
by  the  committee  on  Territories  late  in  March, 
recommitted  and  reported  back  in  April,  and 
debated  on  May  1st  and  June  3,  1886.  Final 
action  was  not  taken  by  the  House  during  this 
session,  and  in  the  debate  Weaver  took  part 
only  occasionally  by  brief  remark  or  question. 
His  deep  interest  in  the  problem  is  further  evi- 
denced by  his  participation  in  the  discussion  of 
an  Indian  policy  in  connection  with  other  meas- 
ures, his  most  extended  remarks  being  recorded 
on  March  11,  1886,  during  the  debate  upon  the 
Indian  Appropriation  Bill.^^^ 

General  Weaver  prefaced  his  discussion  by 
the  declaration  that  ^Hhe  group  of  questions'' 
involved  in  the  bill  before  the  House  was  of  the 
greatest  importance  because  the  relation  which 
the  various  tribes  of  Indians  sustained  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States  had  assumed 
in  the  past  few  years  a  new  phase.  When  the 
government  treated  with  the  Indian  tribes  as 
separate  and  distinct  peoples  or  nations,  a  dif- 
ferent rule  obtained  from  that  which  must  now 
be  observed.  Since  1871  the  government  had 
been  in  the  relation  of  trustee  of  the  estate  of 


234  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  Indian.  It  must  manage  the  estate  of  its 
wards  ^^with  reference  to  two  things:  First,  the 
interest  of  the  ward ;  second,  the  general  inter- 
est of  the  people. '^ 

With  these  statements  as  a  basis  for  action, 
Weaver  turned  to  a  consideration  of  the  situa- 
tion in  the  Indian  Territory,  a  map  of  which  he 
had  prepared  and  placed  upon  an  easel  in  the 
House.  He  then  pointed  out  the  country  occu- 
pied by  what  were  known  as  the  five  civilized 
tribes;  next  the  ^^ Oklahoma  country,  ceded  to 
the  United  States  by  Creeks  and  Seminoles  by 
the  treaties  of  1866";  what  was  known  as  ''the 
Cherokee  outlet,  or  Cherokee  strip",  west  of 
the  territory  of  the  five  civilized  tribes ;  and  the 
Public  Land  Strip,  or  No  Man's  Land,  ceded  by 
Texas  in  1850,  west  of  the  Cherokee  strip. 
West  of  Oklahoma  and  southwest  were  the  res- 
ervations of  the  Cheyennes,  the  Arapahoes,  the 
Wichitas,  the  Kiowas,  the  Comanches,  and  the 
Apaches.  The  territory  contained  44,154,240 
acres  of  land,  ''an  area  as  great  as  that  of  the 
States  of  Iowa,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
and  New  Jersey  combined,  larger  by  266,600 
acres  than  the  seven  states  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con- 
necticut, New  Jersey  and  Delaware." 

This  vast  territory  possessed  a  delightful 
climate,  unlimited  resources,  and  a  soil  suited 
for  the  raising  of  all  the  cereals.    In  some  por- 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  235 

tions  cotton  could  be  cultivated  with  profit,  and 
its  grazing  and  stock-raising  resources  were  un- 
excelled. And  yet  this  beautiful  country  was 
^^a  block  in  the  pathway  of  civilization''.  It 
was  preserved  ^^to  perpetuate  a  mongrel  race 
far  removed  from  the  influence  of  civilized 
people  —  a  refuge  for  the  outlaws  and  indolent 
of  whites,  blacks,  and  Mexicans".  It  cost  the 
government  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars 
to  peaceably  maintain  from  sixty  to  eighty 
thousand  Indians  when  the  Territory  was 
capable  of  supporting  many  millions  of  enlight- 
ened people.  Prompt  legislation  by  Congress 
was  necessary  to  remove  these  conditions. 

Weaver  then  turned  ^  ^  to  a  different  branch  of 
the  question,  the  unoccupied  portion"  of  the 
Territory.  He  used  the  word  ^ '  unoccupied ' '  in 
the  legal  sense,  meaning  that  the  country  was 
not  occupied  by  any  person  having  a  legal  right 
to  be  there,  but  he  did  not  deny  that  there  were 
trespassers  in  the  Territory.  If  the  Indians  on 
reservations  were  given  reasonable  amounts  of 
land  per  person  or  family  and  their  holdings 
consolidated,  there  would  remain  in  the  Indian 
Territory  ^'over  20,000,000  acres  of  unoccupied 
land,  all  available  for  settlement  —  an  area 
nearly  as  large  as  the  State  of  Indiana".  This 
would  not  be  an  injustice  to  the  Indians,  for 
over  a  thousand  acres  could  be  given  to  each 
family,  and  still  leave  the  20,000,000  acres  for 


236  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

settlement.  Furthermore,  he  would  not  take 
these  lands  from  the  Indians  without  their  con- 
sent, nor  without  compensation.  ^'Be  just  to 
the  Indian,  be  humane  to  him,  but  at  the  same 
time  be  humane  and  just  to  our  own  constitu- 
ents. '  ^ 

In  the  next  place  Weaver  called  attention  to 
what  he  described  as  ' '  one  of  the  most  disgrace- 
ful chapters  in  the  history  of  this  whole  contro- 
versy over  the  Indian  Territory. ' '  He  exhibited 
a  map  prepared  by  a  cattle  syndicate  in  1883, 
showing  the  existing  condition  of  the  Cherokee 
strip.  The  syndicate  that  had  this  map  pre- 
pared leased  from  the  Cherokee  tribe  the  entire 
strip  containing  over  6,000,000  acres.  They 
agreed  to  pay  $100,000  for  the  privilege  of 
occupying  that  country  mth  their  herds;  and 
then  they  sub-leased  it  for  about  $500,000  per 
annum  to  different  cattle  companies — '^a  net 
profit  of  $400,000  yearly  to  this  syndicate  which 
holds  possession  of  the  strip  to  the  exclusion  of 
white  settlers,  and  in  plain  violation"  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States.  The  names  of  the 
sublessees  were  significant;  among  them  were 
the  Dominion  Cattle  Company  of  Canada,  the 
New  York  Cattle  Company,  and  the  Standard 
Oil  Company.  ^' These  lessees  are  all  pooled 
and  it  only  costs  about  28  cents  to  raise  a  steer 
until  he  is  three  years  old.  How  can  an  honest 
farmer  compete  with  that  kind  of  thing? 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  237 

*'Now,  I  submit  that  the  question  is  no  longer 
whether  the  red  man  or  the  white  man  shall 
occupy  this  Cherokee  strip.  The  white  man 
already  occupies  it.  He  has  been  placed  there 
by  the  Indian  himself  in  violation  of  the  law. 
The  real  battle  is  whether  the  poor  man  seek- 
ing a  home,  who  has  but  a  single  yoke  of  oxen 
perhaps  to  draw  his  family  to  the  Territory, 
shall  have  a  right  to  go  there  taking  with  him 
his  family,  the  church,  and  the  school-house,  or 
whether  he  shall  be  excluded  by  the  rich  foreign 
and  domestic  cattle  syndicates  that  are  there  in 
violation  of  law. '  ^ 

In  reply  to  questions  Weaver  stated  that  in 
the  campaign  in  Iowa  in  1885  he  had  believed 
that  the  administration  had  issued  orders  for 
the  removal  of  the  cattle  syndicates,  and  that 
the  orders  were  being  honestly  enforced,  and 
he  had  so  declared  during  his  canvass.  Later 
he  learned  with  great  regret  that  he  was  mis- 
taken in  his  belief.  He  had  come  to  Washing- 
ton immediately  after  the  inauguration  of 
President  Cleveland  and  had  placed  the  whole 
matter  before  him,  using  the  very  map  he  had 
just  shown  to  the  House.  The  same  facts  and 
the  same  map  had  been  placed  before  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  to  whom  the  occupancy  of 
the  territory  by  cattle  syndicates  was  very 
objectionable  and  who  signified  his  intention  of 
expelling  them  as  soon  as  possible.    As  soon  as 


238  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

it  was  telegraphed  west  that  Weaver  and  his 
companion,  Hon.  Sidney  Clarke  of  Kansas, 
were  in  Washington  asking  justice  for  the  set- 
tlers and  opposing  the  rings  and  syndicates, 
*^the  city  swarmed  with  the  paid  attorneys  and 
representatives  of  the  cattle-men  as  it  swarms 
now,  and  I  met  Senators  who  I  believe  to  be 
interested  in  the  cattle  syndicates,  and  who 
stepped  into  the  Department  as  I  was  retiring, 
and  they  spoke  to  me,  introducing  the  subject 
in  an  offensive  manner  —  at  least  one  of  them 
did  so.'' 

Finally,  Weaver  protested  against  the  opin- 
ion expressed  in  the  House  to  the  effect  ^^that 
the  poor  men  who  assembled  on  the  border  of 
the  Indian  Territory,  with  a  view  of  locating 
their  families  on  lands  in  that  Territory,  were 
lawless  men.  They  were  from  the  States  of 
Kansas,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Iowa,  and  to 
my  personal  knowledge  a  large  majority  of 
them  were  just  as  law-abiding  men  as  this  coun- 
try affords.  When  the  President  of  the  United 
States  ordered  them  to  leave  the  Territory  they 
left.  Not  only  that,  but  I  protest  against  this 
assault  upon  those  poor  people  when  it  is  known 
that  the  cattle  syndicates  of  this  country  are 

occupying  that  Territory  in  violation  of 
law.  "184 

In  the  debate  upon  the  Indian  Appropriation 
Bill  a  week  later  Weaver  took  part  occasion- 


RETUEN  TO  CONGRESS  239 

ally;  and  early  in  April  he  opposed  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  Indian  commission  ^Ho  inspect  from 
time  to  time'',  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
might  require,  ^  *  the  condition  of  the  Indians  of 
the  various  tribes  and  bands  on  the  different 
reservations  under  the  care,  control,  or  juris- 
diction of  the  United  States. ' '  He  thought  the 
desired  information  could  be  obtained  by  the 
existing  machinery  of  the  Indian  bureau.  Still 
later,  in  May,  he  opposed  the  proposed  com- 
mission because  of  the  great  difficulty  of  finding 
suitable  members  to  place  upon  it  without  tak- 
ing persons  already  engaged  in  the  Indian  ser- 
vice. He  opposed  the  commission  plan  also 
because  it  would  have  power  to  remove  Indians 
from  the  West,  beyond  the  rain-belt,  to  the  fer- 
tile portions  of  Oklahoma  —  what  he  called 
^^ blanket  Indians'',  who  would  have  no  use  for 
tillable  land  and  would  keep  out  white  settlers 
who  would  make  good  use  of  the  land.  He 
moved  to  strike  out  the  section  describing  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  commission,  but  his 
motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  debated  from  time  to  time,  but 
final  action  was  not  taken  during  the  session. 
Evidently  Weaver  regarded  this  bill  as  antag- 
onistic to  the  bill  for  the  organization  of  the 
Territory  of  Oklahoma,  because  when  an  effort 
was  made  the  last  day  of  the  session  to  obtain 
unanimous  consent  to  have  it  made  a  special 


240  JAMES  BAIKD  WEAVER 

order  for  the  second  day  of  the  next  session  he 
said  that  he  had  no  objection  if  the  Oklahoma 
bill  was  made  a  special  order  for  the  first 
Thursday  of  the  next  session,  and  from  day  to 
day  until  disposed  of.  Adjournment  was  taken 
without  action  upon  either  of  these  requests. ^^^ 

Ideas  on  Indian  policy  and  the  organization 
of  Oklahoma  as  a  Territory  entertained  by 
General  Weaver  were  closely  allied  with  his 
opinions  concerning  the  administration  of  the 
land  laws  —  in  fact  all  three  subjects  were 
viewed  from  the  angle  of  the  needs  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  key  to  his  position  upon  public  policies 
is  to  be  found  in  his  persistent  spirit  of  democ- 
racy and  its  application  to  the  concrete  de- 
mands of  the  people.  Money,  banking,  finance, 
Indian  policy,  and  land  laws  were  to  be  framed, 
passed,  and  administered  in  the  interest  of  the 
rank  and  file.  In  his  day  and  generation 
Weaver  was  the  exponent  of  the  fundamental 
democracy  of  the  West. 

During  June  he  took  a  brief  part  in  the  de- 
bate upon  the  repeal  of  the  preemption  laws. 
He  supported  the  repeal  *^  because  the  idea  of 
giving  to  the  homeless  citizen  a  homestead  is  a 
humane  one;  but  our  public-land  policy  ought 
to  be  confined  to  that,  and  no  one  should  be 
allowed  to  speculate  in  the  common  inheritance 
of  all.  This  bill,  as  I  understand,  simply  cuts 
out  of  our  public-land  system  the  idea  of  specu- 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  241 

lation;  and  that  is  right.  The  present  law  is 
the  law  of  the  speculator  and  not  of  the  honest 
home-seeker.  .  .  .  The  policy  of  this  bill 
should  have  been  adopted  at  the  very  cradle  of 
the  Republic,  and  not  one-quarter  section  of  the 
public  lands  should  ever  have  been  disposed  of 
to  corporations  or  speculators.  It  should  have 
been  sacredly  held  for  homesteads.  If  this 
policy  had  obtained  labor  troubles  would  now 
be  unknown  and  the  scandalous  legislation  of 
the  last  few  years  would  have  been  avoided.  "^^^ 
Again,  later  in  the  same  month  he  referred 
to  the  dishonest  raids  made  upon  the  public 
domain  by  the  cattle  syndicates  and  land  specu- 
lators. He  protested  against  a  land  policy 
which  enabled  ^Hhe  speculators  to  get  hold  of 
the  virgin  lands  of  the  West  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  poor  settler  who  seeks  to  secure  a  home". 
He  declared  himself  the  friend  of  the  ^^  Okla- 
homa boomer''  because  he  believed  him  to  be 
*^a  poor  man  honestly  seeking  a  home  upon  the 
public  domain''.  The  action  of  these  honest 
home-seekers  who  obeyed  the  President's  proc- 
lamation was  very  different  from  that  of  the 
cattle  syndicates  who  had  taken  possession  in 
violation  of  law.  In  answer  to  a  question  as  to 
whether  he  was  not  the  paid  attorney  of  the 
^^ Oklahoma  boomers",  he  replied  that  he  was 
not,  but  that  ^^on  the  contrary,  without  hope, 
expectation,  or  desire  of  any  reward  whatever" 

17 


242  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

he  had  contributed,  and  would  again  contribute 
if  necessary,  money  out  of  his  own  pocket  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  those  defenseless  men  who 
were  on  that  border  seeking  to  obtain  homes. ^^"^ 

Early  in  July  in  another  debate  upon  the 
repeal  of  the  preemption  law^s,  he  described  two 
theories  of  public  land  policy  as  struggling  for 
supremacy.  One  was  presented  by  the  bill 
under  discussion  as  it  passed  the  House,  and 
the  other  by  the  Senate  amendments  to  it. 
*^The  House  bill  proceeds  on  the  theory  that  all 
the  remaining  public  domain  should  be  held  for 
settlement  under  the  homestead  laws  in  parcels 
not  greater  than  160  acres.  Following  and  in 
harmony  with  that  theory  is  the  other  bill, 
passed  by  the  House,  which  appropriates  money 
to  enable  the  Land  Department  to  discover  and 
unearth  the  frauds  that  have  been  heretofore 
perpetrated  in  relation  to  the  public  domain. 
And  following  along  third  in  order  is  the  bill 
.  .  .  .  making  appropriations  for  digging 
irrigating  ditches  in  what  are  known  as  the 
arid  regions  of  the  public  domain. 

^'Now,  these  three  measures  are  in  harmony, 
and  constitute  a  well-defined  theory  .... 
First,  preserve  the  public  domain  to  actual  set- 
tlers; next,  unearth  the  frauds  that  have  been 
perpetrated  and  appropriate  money  for  that 
purpose ;  third,  when  you  reach  the  arid  region 
appropriate  money  for  irrigating  ditches,   so 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  243 

that  when  our  population  becomes  crowded  and 
there  is  no  longer  arable  land  within  the  rain 
belt  you  may  enable  the  settler  to  go  upon  the 
arid  region  and  raise  crops  by  means  of  irriga- 
tion.   This  is  the  true  and  wise  theory. 

^^Now,  what  is  the  theory  represented  by  the 
Senate  amendment?  It  is  this:  Validate  the 
frauds  that  have  been  perpetrated  upon  the 
public  domain ;  allow  what  is  known  as  the  arid 
region  to  be  taken  up  by  cattle  speculators  and 
syndicates,  and  strike  down  the  appropriation 
for  the  investigation  of  frauds,  so  the  Land 
Office  will  be  powerless  to  protect  the  inherit- 
ance of  the  people.  Can  this  House  hesitate 
which  theory  to  adopt?" 

Finally,  in  the  discussion  Weaver  called 
attention  to  the  tendency  toward  large  holdings 
and  tenant  farming  in  the  United  States.  He 
declared  that  the  census  report  of  1880  showed 
that  the  tendency  was  in  that  direction,  instead 
of  toward  the  division  of  land  into  small  hold- 
ings as  his  opponents  claimed.  The  tendency 
of  the  population  was  away  from  the  country, 
and  toward  the  city.  According  to  the  census 
the  number  of  tenant  farmers  had  increased 
enormously  of  late  years:  tenant  farmers  out- 
numbered the  free-holders  of  the  country.  The 
tendency  was  to  *' large  holdings;  whereas  in  a 
healthy  condition  of  our  land  laws  and  of  the 
Eepublic  the  tendency  ought  to  lead  from  the 


244  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

city  to  the  country,  and  the  result  should  be 
small  farms  and  high  cultivation/'^*^ 

The  third  subject  to  which  General  Weaver 
gave  considerable  attention  during  this  session 
of  Congress  was  that  of  labor.  One  of  his  two 
committee  appointments  was  upon  the  com- 
mittee of  labor.  On  December  21,  1885,  he 
introduced  a  bill  *^to  establish  at  the  seat  of 
Government  an  Executive  Department  to  be 
known  as  the  Department  of  Labor,  with  a  Sec- 
retary of  Labor''  at  the  head  of  it.  This  bill 
received  no  attention  in  the  House  during  the 
session,  simply  being  referred  to  the  committee 
on  labor,  from  which  it  was  never  reported. 
Many  years  later,  in  March,  1913,  such  a  de- 
partment as  Weaver  proposed  was  finally 
established.^*^ 

During  1886  there  was  a  series  of  strikes 
upon  the  railroads  of  the  country,  culminating 
in  the  so-called  Southwestern  Railway  Strike 
upon  the  Gould  system  in  the  Southwest.  Be- 
ginning in  February,  this  strike  spread  until 
six  thousand  miles  of  railway  were  tied  up  and 
resulted  in  considerable  violence.  As  a  conse- 
quence of  the  outbreak  an  investigation  was 
made  by  Congress  and  several  bills  were  intro- 
duced for  the  purpose  of  '^  creating  boards  of 
arbitration  for  the  speedy  settlement  of  contro- 
versies and  differences  between  common  car- 
riers engaged  in  interstate  and  Territorial  com- 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  245 

merce  or  business  and  their  employes ''.  Presi- 
dent Cleveland  called  attention  to  the  situation 
in  a  special  message  to  Congress  on  April  23rd 
in  which  he  recommended  a  commission  on 
labor  of  three  members  to  be  ^^  charged  among 
other  duties  with  the  consideration  and  settle- 
ment, when  possible,  of  all  controversies  be- 
tween labor  and  capital."  He  suggested  that 
this  commission  ^^  could  easily  be  ingrafted 
upon"  the  Bureau  of  Labor  by  the  addition  of 
two  more  commissioners  and  by  the  necessary 
extension  of  the  powers  of  the  commission- 
ers.i^<^ 

Weaver's  most  extensive  discussion  of  the 
questions  involved  in  these  measures  occurred 
on  March  31,  1886,  when  he  submitted  his 
views  upon  the  merits  of  the  bills,  and  upon  the 
situation  to  which  they  were  intended  to  apply. 
He  stated  frankly  that  he  was  opposed  to  all 
legislation  with  regard  to  existing  strikes  be- 
cause it  would  not  be  effective.  Incidentally  he 
remarked  that  compulsory  arbitration,  which 
he  described  as  *^a  misnomer",  could  not  settle 
such  difficulties.  He  declared  that  he  was  ^'not 
a  believer  in  the  power  of  legislation  to  cure 
the  evils  to  which  society  is  heir  —  I  mean 
direct  legislation."  He  was  a  believer  in  the 
kind  of  legislation  that  would  create  conditions 
out  of  which  prosperity  might  be  evolved,  and 
under  which  evils  might  die  away.    He  declared 


246  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

that  the  primary  causes  for  the  present  dis- 
content were  the  result  of  the  neglect  by  Con- 
gress ^^to  make  suitable  provision  to  preserve 
the  prosperity  of  the  Republic^'. 

In  pointing  out  the  necessary  measures  that 
should  be  taken  by  Congress,  he  declared  that 
there  should  be  a  law  to  regulate  interstate 
commerce,  and  that  provision  should  be  made 
for  a  sufficient  volume  of  currency.  ^'This 
labor  controversy  the  world  over  is  purely  a 
question  of  money,  and  nothing  else.  There  is 
just  enough  money  in  this  country  to-day  to 
enable  the  corporations  to  corner  it.  Just 
enough  to  enable  the  banks  and  the  usurers  to 
extort  usury  ....  there  are  three  classes 
of  vampires  who  are  sucking  up  the  last  drop 
of  the  blood  of  honest  toil  —  the  land  monop- 
olies, the  railroad  monopolies,  and  the  money 
monopolies.  And  if  my  voice  can  reach  beyond 
the  walls  of  this  House  to  the  humble  abodes  of 
suffering  labor  throughout  the  land,  I  say  to 
the  toiling  millions  of  this  country,  you  must 
overthrow  these  three  great  confederated 
monopolies,  and  this  can  only  be  done  by 
proper  legislation.  Hence,  you  must  strike  at 
the  ballot-box,  and  strike  against  every  man 
who  is  full  of  promises  when  he  is  a  candidate, 
but  who  disappoints  you  after  he  reaches  his 
seat  in  this  House. 

^^The  only  proper  remedy  in  a  republic  for 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  247 

popular  evils  is  through  the  exercise  of  the 
ballot.  Strikes  are  only  justifiable  as  a  dernier 
ressort.  If  this  Congress  will  not  protect  labor 
it  must  protect  itself.  "^^^ 

In  this  discussion  of  labor  Weaver  showed 
how  fundamental  he  regarded  the  money  and 
monopoly  problems.  As  has  already  been  sug- 
gested, no  matter  what  the  subject  under  con- 
sideration might  be,  he  usually  connected  it 
with  some  phase  of  the  money  or  monopoly 
problem.  Interstate  commerce,  the  administra- 
tion of  the  public  lands  and  the  land  laws,  as 
well  as  labor  troubles  and  social  unrest,  all 
seemed  to  him  to  be  the  result  of  the  lack  of  a 
sufficient  volume  of  the  currency.  In  a  broad 
sense  there  was  a  large  measure  of  truth  in  his 
contention,  although  in  details  and  the  concrete 
administration  of  financial  affairs  he  was  often 
mistaken  and  visionary.  He  was  a  pioneer  and 
a  prophet,  with  the  strength  and  the  weakness 
of  such  a  personality.  Many  of  his  ideas  have 
been  incorporated  into  our  laws  and  conduct  of 
government,  while  others  were  impossible  of 
application  and  have  been  forgotten. 

In  December,  1885,  Weaver  re-introduced  his 
joint  resolution  proposing  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  provide 
for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  a 
vote  of  the  people  in  each  State.  He  first  intro- 
duced such  a  resolution  in  January,  1881,  dur- 


248  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

ing  his  first  term  in  Congress.  The  bill  was 
referred  in  both  instances  to  the  committee  on 
the  judiciary,  and  no  further  action  was  taken. 
The  country  has  finally  adopted  the  plan  which 
was  proposed  by  Weaver  first  in  1881  and  again 
in  1885.1^2 

Among  other  matters  to  which  General 
Weaver  always  gave  a  good  deal  of  attention 
was  that  of  pensions  or  claims  for  relief  of 
persons  who  had  served  in  the  army  during  the 
Civil  War  or  of  their  dependent  relatives.  Of 
the  bills  he  introduced  during  this  session  of 
Congress  sixteen  were  for  pensions  or  the  relief 
of  individuals. ^^^ 

Other  subjects  in  which  he  showed  his  inter- 
est by  the  introduction  of  bills,  or  by  participa- 
tion in  debate,  were  the  enlargement  of  the 
powers  of  the.  department  of  agriculture,  the 
institution  of  a  tax  on  oleomargarine,  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  postal  telegraph,  and  the  indebt- 
edness of  the  Pacific  railroads. ^^'^ 

Altogether  he  introduced  thirty-three  bills 
and  resolutions,  of  which  nineteen  were  of  a 
private  character,  while  fourteen  were  of  a 
public  nature.^^^  He  remained  the  leader  of 
the  Greenbackers,  although  as  a  party  the 
group  was  rapidly  waning  in  strength  —  there 
being  only  two  who  were  listed  as  Greenbackers 
in  the  Forty-ninth  Congress.  By  his  ability  as 
a  debater  and  parliamentarian  he  had  earned 


KETURN  TO  CONGRESS  249 

the  respect  of  the  leaders  of  the  two  old  parties. 
Among  the  Republicans  who  served  with  him 
were  Thomas  B.  Reed  and  Nelson  Dingley  of 
Maine,  William  McKinley  of  Ohio,  Joseph  G. 
Cannon  of  Illinois,  and  Robert  M.  La  Follette 
of  Wisconsin;  while  among  his  Democratic 
colleagues  were  Samuel  J.  Randall  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Charles  F.  Crisp  of  Georgia,  Abram  S. 
Hewitt  of  New  York,  Roger  Q.  Mills  of  Texas, 
and  William  R.  Morrison  of  Illinois. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Forty-ninth 
Congress,  which  lasted  from  December  6,  1886, 
to  March  3,  1887,  General  Weaver's  chief  activ- 
ity was  in  connection  with  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Act,  which  was  finally  passed  during  that 
session  after  having  been  under  discussion  for 
a  number  of  years.  On  January  19,  1887,  he 
gave  his  reasons  for  opposing  the  bill  as  finally 
reported  by  the  conference  committee. 

^^For  eight  years'',  said  Weaver,  ^'ever  since 
I  became  acquainted  with  the  provisions  of 
what  is  so  widely  known  as  the  Reagan  bill,  I 
have  given  it  my  unqualified  support.  I  voted 
for  its  consideration  in  the  Forty-sixth  Con- 
gress. Under  the  leadership  of  the  gentleman 
from  Texas  [Mr.  Reagan]  I  voted  with  the 
majority  of  this  House  at  the  last  session  to 
strike  out  all  after  the  enacting  clause  of  the 
Cullom  bill,  and  to  substitute  in  its  stead  the 
Reagan  bill.     ...    In  conmion  with  my  con- 


:50  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 


stituents,  I  considered  the  Reagan  bill  a  wise 
and  well-guarded  measure  for  the  regulation  of 
commerce  among  the  States.  I  considered  it 
both  safe  and  conservative,  and  free  from 
dangerous  experimental  provisions. ' ' 

But  the  sections  on  rebates,  preferences,  and 
advantages,  the  long  and  short  haul,  and  pools 
in  the  bill  then  before  the  House  he  criticized  as 
vague  and  doubtful  in  their  meaning.  ''Now, 
these  are  the  controlling  provisions  .... 
except  the  provisions  which  relate  to  the  com- 
mission and  that  portion  which  relates  to  the 
courts  that  shall  have  jurisdiction  to  hear  com- 
plaints. .  .  .  Neither  the  commission  clause 
nor  the  court  clause  that  you  have  in  this  bill 
were  in  the  Reagan  bill.  Neither  were  your 
rebate  section,  your  preference  section,  your 
long  and  short  haul  section  —  none  of  those 
were  in  the  Reagan  bill,  and  they  are  the  con- 
trolling and  important  sections  of  the  bill. 

''It  seems  to  be  the  theory  of  the  pending  bill 
to  do  as  little  for  the  people  as  possible ;  and  in 
making  that  remark  I  wish  to  say  I  am  entirely 
impersonal  in  everything  I  say  here,  and  desire 
to  be  so.  It  seems  to  be  the  theory  of  the  pend- 
ing bill,  I  repeat,  to  do  as  little  for  the  people 
as  possible  and  to  render  those  sections  of  the 
bill  relating  to  the  rights  of  the  people  as  ob- 
scure and  unintelligible  as  human  ingenuity 
can  make  them.    To  use  the  language  of  a  dis- 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  251 

tinguished  member  of  this  House,  ^If  the  hand 
of  a  Talleyrand  was  not  present  in  the  construc- 
tion of  this  bill  then  all  appearances  are  de- 
ceptive. ' 

^  ^  Suppose  the  great  Lawgiver  had  construct- 
ed the  Ten  Commandments  with  the  same 
uncertainty.  Suppose  he  had  said:  'Thou  shalt 
not  steal;  thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness; 
thou  shalt  not  covet  —  contemporaneously  or 
under  substantially  similar  circumstances  and 
conditions ' ;  or  suppose,  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
decalogue  the  following  provision  had  been 
added:  'Provided,  how^ever,  that  upon  applica- 
tion to  the  high  priest  or  ecclesiastical  commis- 
sioner appointed  under  the  provisions  of  this 
act  persons  so  designated  may  be  authorized  to 
cheat,  steal,  bear  false  witness,  or  covet,  and 
said  commission  may  from  time  to  time  pre- 
scribe the  extent  to  which  said  persons  may  be 
relieved  from  any  or  all  of  said  command- 
ments.' Under  such  circumstances  would  not 
the  world  have  been  without  moral  law  from 
Moses  to  Cullom  and  from  Mount  Sinai  to 
Pike's  Peak!'' 

The  bill  before  the  House  was  finally  de- 
scribed as  one  ''to  more  completely  give  over 
the  control  of  the  business  and  political  inter- 
ests of  the  people  into  the  hands  of  the  confed- 
erated monopolies." 

"Where  did  this  movement  originate  but  with 


252  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  Democratic  party!  The  author  of  the 
Reagan  bill  has  been  the  champion  of  this  con- 
troversy with  the  railroads  for  more  than  ten 
years ;  and  the  Democratic  party,  the  Nationals, 
and  the  Anti-Monopolists  have  stood  behind 
him,  while  the  Senate  has  stood  like  a  wall  of 
iron  against  the  passage  of  that  measure. 
Finally,  seeing  they  had  to  let  us  have  some- 
thing, they  licked  their  bill  into  a  shape  satis- 
factory to  themselves,  but  most  dangerous  to 
the  people. ''i^<^ 

As  to  other  matters  considered  in  the  session 
Weaver's  part  was  of  incidental  or  occasional 
character.  On  December  13,  1886,  he  offered  a 
resolution  of  inquiry  relative  to  the  issue  of 
legal-tender  notes.  He  aimed  his  inquiry  par- 
ticularly at  the  substitution  of  notes  of  large 
denominations  for  those  of  smaller  amount, 
which  he  claimed  was  illegal  under  the  law  of 
1878  prohibiting  the  further  retirement  of 
greenbacks.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
a  distinct  provision  had  been  inserted  in  the 
sundry  civil  appropriation  act,  passed  at  the 
last  session,  forbidding  the  use  of  any  funds 
obtained  through  that  act  for  the  printing  of 
United  States  notes  of  large  denominations  to 
take  the  place  of  those  of  small  denominations 
cancelled  or  retired.  The  notes  with  which  he 
was  especially  concerned  were  the  one  and  two 
dollar  bills,  for  the  issue  of  which  the  same  act 


RETURN  TO   CONGRESS  253 

had  made  a  special  appropriation.  He  asked 
for  answers  to  three  questions.  Of  the  funds 
appropriated,  had  any  been  used  for  the  issue 
of  notes  of  large  denominations?  How  many, 
if  any,  one  and  two  dollar  notes  had  been  can- 
celled and  retired  since  the  passage  of  the 
appropriation  bill  referred  to  above?  Had 
notes  of  like  denomination  been  issued  in  their 
places  r^"^ 

A  few  days  later  he  took  part  in  a  debate 
upon  a  bill  for  the  allotment  of  lands  in  sever- 
alty to  Indians,  urging  that  the  amount  as- 
signed should  not  be  too  large  because  ^Hhe 
Indian  never  will  cease  to  become  a  herder 
until  he  becomes  an  agriculturist.  He  is  a  nat- 
ural herder.  The  white  man  must  be  considered 
in  this  matter  as  well  as  the  Indian.  Under 
the  bill,  if  the  amendments  be  adopted,  a  family 
of  four  persons,  supposing  the  children  to  be 
over  eighteen  years  of  age,  will  be  allotted  360 
acres  of  arable  land  and  360  acres  of  grazing 
land,  or  720  acres  in  all.  In  my  judgment  that 
is  too  much,  but  on  the  contrary  you  will  sooner 
civilize  them  if  you  will  confine  them  to  a  less 
area.''^^® 

About  the  middle  of  January,  1887,  General 
Weaver  engaged  in  a  debate  upon  the  question 
of  the  recovery  of  an  income  tax  paid  by  the 
warden  of  the  Kentucky  penitentiary  during 
the  years  1863  to  1867.     The  amount  involved 


254  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

was  $35,000,  and  the  claim  was  based  upon  the 
fact  that  the  warden  was  paid  no  salary,  was 
required  by  law  to  keep  the  convicts  at  work, 
and  made  a  profit  by  the  employment  of  convict 
labor.  Weaver  opposed  the  refund,  and  gave 
as  his  reasons  that  ^Hhe  correct  policy^'  was 
^Ho  tax  incomes.  All  ought  to  be  taxed  over  a 
given  amount.  In  this  case  the  amount  was 
paid  long  years  ago,  and  paid  by  an  individual 
who  was  receiving  enormous  profits  as  com- 
pared with  those  employing  free  labor.  I  am 
opposed  to  the  whole  convict-labor  system,  par- 
ticularly to  rewards  for  such  labor;  and  this 
would  be  nothing  but  a  reward  to  a  person 
engaged  in  employing  that  class  of  labor  over 
and  above  his  brother  who  employs  free 
labor. ''1^^ 

In  February  he  undertook  to  have  the  bill 
for  the  organization  of  Oklahoma  made  a  spe- 
cial order  and  to  have  continuous  consideration 
of  the  measure  from  day  to  day  until  it  was 
finally  disposed  of.  But  in  this  effort  he  did 
not  succeed,  no  further  action  being  taken  dur- 
ing the  session.^^^ 

On  the  last  day  of  the  short  session  he  op- 
posed the  acceptance  of  a  donation  of  about  six 
hundred  acres  of  land  near  Chicago  for  mili- 
tary purposes.  His  reasons  for  opposition 
were  that  ^Hhe  original  democratic  features*' 
of  American  society  seemed  to  be  rapidly  pass- 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  255 

ing  away.  ^'We  are  approaching  that  condi- 
tion of  things  in  which,  unless  we  adhere  to  the 
old  landmarks,  you  will  have  to  adopt  in  this 
country  the  repressive  policy  resorted  to  by  the 
monarchies  of  the  Old  World  in  order  to  keep 
the  people  in  subjection.  This  measure  is  but 
an  unmistakable  indication  of  the  tendency  of 
things  in  this  Republic  to-day. ' ' 

He  pointed  out  that  there  were  bills  before 
Congress  that  had  been  under  consideration 
for  a  number  of  years,  ^^  bills  to  compel  wealthy 
corporations  to  release  their  clutch  upon  fifty- 
odd  million  acres  of  land  which  ought  to  be 
consecrated  forever  and  reserved  for  homeless 
people  who  are  now,  under  our  land  policy, 
excluded  from  occupancy  of  this  land  and  com- 
pelled to  congregate  in  the  large  cities. 

^^The  tendency  is  away  from  the  farm  and 
away  from  the  rural  districts;  the  trend  is  to- 
ward the  city,  where  the  needy  congregate  and 
where  crime  becomes  organized  and  where  the 
Republic  is  stabbed  ....  if  you  want  to 
prevent  communism  in  this  country,  if  you  want 
to  do  away  with  labor  troubles,  pass  laws  here 
which  shall  be  equal  in  their  bearing  upon  all 
classes.  Repeal  your  class  laws,  take  the  bur- 
dens off  the  people,  unlock  your  Treasury,  pay 
your  debts,  and  relieve  the  distress  of  the  coun- 
try. In  this  way  you  will  have  less  communism 
and  fewer  strikes  than  you  have  to-day. '  ^ 


256  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

He  declared  that  if  the  government  wanted 
a  military  site  near  Chicago  it  was  able  to  buy 
and  pay  for  it;  if  the  gentlemen  donating  the 
land  had  more  land  than  they  needed  '^let  them 
build  homes  upon  it  and  donate  it  to  the  poor 
wretches  around  the  streets  of  Chicago.  If 
they  will  do  this  they  will  have  less  use  for  a 
military  encampment  there.  And  after  doing 
this  if  they  still  have  a  superabundance  of  land, 
they  can  donate  a  part  of  that  magnificent  tract 
numbering  millions  of  acres  granted  to  one  of 
these  gentlemen  by  the  State  of  Texas.    .    .    . 

**It  is  an  idle  slander  to  say  that  every  man 
about  Chicago  belonging  to  labor  organizations 
is  a  communist.  No  man  in  this  House  has  less 
sympathy  with  that  class  of  people  than  I  have. 
Let  us  show  ourselves  just,  and  then  we  can 
reasonably  demand  obedience  among  the  peo- 
ple. Our  legislation  must  be  pure  and  honest 
before  we  can  reasonably  expect  it  to  be  peace- 
able. 

^^And  I  warn  this  House,  in  the  name  of  the 
laboring  men  of  this  country,  not  to  pass  legis- 
lation which  looks  to  overawing  the  people  by 
military  establishments,  but  to  go  to  work  and 
undo  the  legislation  which  has  brought  about 
our  present  discontent.  It  is  the  greed  of  the 
rich  and  not  the  dissensions  of  the  poor  that 
we  should  dread  the  world  over.'' 

For  these  reasons  Weaver  expressed  himself 


RETURN  TO  CONGRESS  257 

as  opposed  to  the  proposed  measure.  He  re- 
garded it  as  a  plan  intended  ''to  build  up  a 
grand  military  establishment  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Chicago  and  to  override  and  overawe 
the  people."  In  reply  to  a  remark  containing 
the  words  "and  to  overawe  anarchists",  he 
answered,  "not  to  'overawe  anarchists'.  The 
anarchists  are  now  in  the  clutch  of  the  law,  and 
ought  to  be  there.  "^^^ 


18 


XIII 

Last  Teem  in  Congkess 

1887-1889 

By  a  fusion  of  Democrats  and  Greenbackers, 
General  Weaver  was  reelected  to  Congress  in 
1886.  John  A.  Donnell  was  his  opponent,  and 
the  vote  was  16,572  to  15,954.  In  the  State  at 
large  there  was  fusion  of  the  Democrats  and 
Greenbackers,  although  the  opponents  of 
Weaver  and  fusion  held  a  convention  at  Cedar 
Eapids  in  May  and  nominated  an  independent 
ticket  —  which  apparently  received  no  votes  at 
the  election.  Besides  Weaver  the  Congres- 
sional delegation  from  Iowa  consisted  of  seven 
Eepublicans,  one  Independent  Republican,  and 
two  Democrats.^^2 

The  Fiftieth  Congress  was  composed  of  one 
hundred  sixty-nine  Democrats,  one  hundred 
fifty-two  Republicans,  two  Labor  representa- 
tives, and  two  Independents.  John  G.  Carlisle 
was  reelected  speaker  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred 
sixty-three  to  one  hundred  forty-seven  for 
Thomas  B.  Reed.  Weaver  voted  for  Carlisle, 
and  he  received  as  his  committee  appointments 
the  chairmanship  of  the  committee  on  patents, 

258 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  259 

and  membership  on  the  committee  on  private 
land  claims.  The  first  session  of  this  Congress 
lasted  from  December  5,  1887,  to  October  20, 

1888.203 

President  Cleveland's  annual  message  was 
entirely  devoted  to  the  tariff,  which  became  the 
chief  topic  for  discussion  during  the  session. 
The  President's  advocacy  of  a  reduction  com- 
mitted his  party  to  tariff  revision.  In  the 
House  where  the  Democrats  were  in  control,  the 
Mills  Bill  was  the  result  of  the  President's  rec- 
ommendation—  although  his  party  was  by  no 
means  united  on  this  measure.  A  Republican 
Senate  proceeded  to  substitute  for  the  Mills  Bill 
a  measure  of  its  own.  No  legislation  resulted, 
the  proposed  measures  merely  serving  to  put 
concretely  before  the  country  the  divergent 
views  of  the  two  parties.  The  campaign  of  1888 
ended  with  the  defeat  of  Cleveland  and  the 
election  of  Harrison.^^"* 

The  Mills  Bill  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  April  17,  1888, 
till  its  passage  on  July  21, 1888.  It  was  on  May 
16,  1888,  that  Congressman  Weaver  gave  his 
reasons  for  supporting  the  bill.  He  had 
^^  listened  to  the  oral  discussion  of  this  measure, 
with  great  interest,  and  after  the  publication  of 
the  speeches  in  the  Record  I  have  read  many  of 
them  over  with  care  in  the  quietude  of  my  room. 
The  result  with  me  is  an  overwhelming  convic- 


260  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

tion  that  this  is  a  fair  and  liberal  bill,  and  that 
it  is  my  duty  to  support  it.  I  believe  it  to  be  an 
honest  effort  on  the  part  of  the  majority  of  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  to  relieve  the 
people.  The  framers  of  this  bill  have,  as  I  shall 
show,  manifested  a  fairness  and  liberality  to- 
wards the  protected  industries  which  those 
industries  and  lines  of  business  connected  with 
them  utterly  refuse  to  extend  to  the  great  body 
of  the  people  who  use  and  consume  their 
wares. ' ' 

After  this  statement  of  his  position  in  gen- 
eral terms,  Weaver  proceeded  to  discuss  the 
situation.  He  pointed  out  that  it  was  conceded 
that  the  national  revenues  were  annually  about 
$60,000,000  in  excess  of  necessary  expenditures ; 
that  the  surplus  now  in  the  Treasury  amounted 
to  $100,000,000,  and  was  increasing  ^'rapidly 
and  constantly".  The  situation,  in  his  opinion, 
was  the  result  of  unwise  and  improvident  legis- 
lation. *^  Instead  of  prudently  reserving  the 
right  to  annually  redeem  at  par  an  amount  of 
interest-bearing  bonds  equal  to  any  surplus 
money  that  might  from  time  to  time  accumu- 
late, instead  of  a  wise  reservation  like  this,  you 
in  effect  enacted  that  there  should  be  a  surplus 
and  then  clothed  the  holder  of  public  securities 
with  power  to  extort  blood-money  in  the  shape 
of  unconscionable  premiums '\ 

After  such  a  ^^  blunder  —  to  use  no  harsher 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  261 

term — '^  the  Republicans  had  no  ground  upon 
which  to  claim  the  exclusive  privilege  of  deal- 
ing with  the  outcome.  The  majority  of  the  com- 
mittee had  united  in  presenting  a  scheme  of  tax 
reduction,  while  the  minority  simply  opposed 
the  proposed  plan.  Although  Republican  plat- 
forms had  pledged  the  party  to  revise  and 
reduce  the  tariff,  when  the  Democrats  under- 
took to  make  the  reduction,  and  prevent  surplus 
accumulations  in  the  Treasury,  they  were  *^  de- 
nounced as  free-traders,  and  accused  of  trying 
to  unsettle  the  business  prosperity  of  the 
country. '  ^ 

General  Weaver  then  turned  to  a  discussion 
of  the  record  of  the  Republicans  in  Congress 
upon  the  reduction  of  the  tariff;  and  he  de- 
scribed the  attitude  of  the  Senators  and  of 
several  Republican  Representatives  from  Iowa. 
He  noted  certain  inconsistencies  in  their  rec- 
ords, and  accused  them  of  ignoring  the  real 
needs  of  the  people.  He  thought  that  the  re- 
duction should  be  made  on  ^^the  necessaries  of 
life;  on  the  lumber  that  shelters  our  people, 
and  out  of  which  our  houses  and  barns  and 
granaries  must  be  constructed."  It  should  be 
made  on  ^Hhe  clothing  our  people  wear,  the 
food  they  eat,  the  salt  that  seasons  their  frugal 
meals,  the  implements  they  use  in  their  daily 
toil,  upon  the  blankets  that  keep  us  and  our 
little  ones  warm  when  the  mercury  is  below 


262  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

zero,  and  upon  steel  rails,  the  cost  of  which 
enters  so  materially  into  the  cost  of  transport- 
ing our  produce  to  market '  \ 

Next  he  showed  that  the  protected  industries 
were  unwilling  to  treat  their  customers  with 
the  same  liberality  with  which  they  were  treated 
by  the  revenue  laws.  They  had  ^  ignored  the 
equities  of  their  contract",  and  had  gone  into 
the  markets  of  the  world  and  *^  bought  their 
labor  where  they  could  buy  it  the  cheapest '\ 
But  they  were  not  satisfied  with  this  advantage. 
Secure  from  foreign  competition,  they  resorted 
to  *^ trusts''  to  do  away  with  competition  at 
home.  He  then  named  *  ^  a  few  of  the  protected 
industries  and  connected  lines  of  business  which 
are  controlled  by  trusts:  linseed-oil,  watches 
and  watchcases,  rope  and  cordage,  salt,  nails, 
screws,  envelopes,  iron  beams  for  houses, 
bridges,  etc. ;  terra-cotta  goods,  wall-paper  and 
paper  hangings,  candy,  bagging,  the  manufac- 
ture of  steel,  barbed  wire,  plated  wire,  uphol- 
sterer's goods,  galvanized  sheet-iron,  castor- 
oil,  gutta-percha  goods,  tacks,  wrenches  and 
hinges,  boiler-flues,  glass,  lumber,  writing- 
paper,  wrapping-paper,  wooden-ware,  oil  cloth, 
carpets,  silver  plate.  ...  I  could  extend 
this  list  almost  indefinitely.  There  is  scarcely  a 
protected  industry  in  America  to-day  —  or  un- 
protected, for  that  matter  —  that  has  not  re- 
sorted to  combination  and  to  the  trust ;  and  for 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  263 

what  purpose!  For  the  purpose  of  destroying 
home  competition." 

In  conclusion  he  declared  that  it  was  ^  ^  a  fraud 
and  a  pretense  to  claim  that  labor  is  getting  the 
benefit  of  protection.  Our  tariff  laws  pour  a 
golden  stream  into  the  pockets  of  the  manufac- 
turers, but  it  never  returns  to  bless  and  enrich 
the  children  of  toil. ' '  He  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  recent  strikes  had  failed,  even  where  a 
strong  labor  organization,  like  the  Brotherhood 
of  Locomotive  Engineers,  was  involved.  Cap- 
ital was  master  of  the  situation,  and  labor 
needed  protection,  not  so  much  from  foreign 
competition  as  from  corporations,  syndicates, 
and  trusts.  Labor  possessed  one  thing  which 
capital  did  not  —  the  ballot.  His  advice  to  labor 
was  to  use  the  advantage,  and  to  use  it  quickly. 
*'If  you  wish  capital  to  take  its  legitimate  place 
as  the  servant  of  mankind,  if  you  would  avoid 
serfdom  for  yourselves  and  your  posterity, 
you  must  immediately  throw  about  the  people 
such  safeguards  as  will  insure  that  result.  You 
must  erect  anew  the  barriers  which  our  fathers 
erected,  but  which  have  been  trodden  down. '^^o  5 

Again  on  May  31st  and  June  1st,  6th,  and  7th, 
Weaver  engaged  in  the  tariff  debate  in  favor  of 
free  lumber.  He  appealed  for  the  removal  of 
the  duty  ^  *  in  behalf  of  the  citizens  who  dwell  in 
the  prairie  States,  and  who  must  have  lumber 
to  build  their  homes,  their  barns,  their  gran- 


264  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

aries''.  Protesting  against  any  action  that 
would  result  in  fastening  a  lumber  trust  upon 
the  farmers  of  his  district,  he  demanded  in  the 
name  of  his  constituents  that  lumber  should  be 
on  the  free-list.  He  also  declared  that  the  trust 
controlled  the  local  dealers  and  compelled  them 
to  sell  at  a  schedule  price.  Through  their  com- 
bination with  the  transportation  monopolies,  no 
one  could  engage  in  the  lumber  business  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  lumber  trust  and  trans- 
portation companies,  which  together  formed 
**one  of  the  most  unconscionable  trusts  ever 
organized'',  and  which  was  organized  to  plun- 
der the  people  who  were  '^far  removed  from 
the  great  centers  of  lumber  manufacture  ".^^^ 

In  reply  to  a  member  of  the  House  who  denied 
the  existence  of  a  ^^ lumber  trust"  and  who  said 
that  his  credulity  had  been  imposed  upon  by 
^^some  designing  free-trader",  and  who  also 
suggested  that  he  (Weaver)  was  the  same  man 
who  some  years  before  '^believed  that  money 
could  be  made  by  the  use  of  the  printing  press 
and  plenty  of  paper",  General  Weaver  declared 
that  the  gentleman's  lack  of  knowledge  con- 
cerning the  lumber  trust  was  only  equaled  by 
his  lack  of  knowledge  of  finance.  *'I  saw  this 
great  Government,  by  an  exercise  of  its  sover- 
eign power,  create  money  and  with  it  preserve 
the  life  of  this  nation.  The  gentleman  twits  me 
with  believing  that  the  Government  can  make 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  265 

money  out  of  paper.  It  is  not  a  matter  of  faith. 
I  know  it.  The  whole  country  knows  it,  and  the 
Supreme  Court  have  declared  it  lawful  in  war 
and  constitutional  in  peace ;  and  I  am  not  only 
opposed  to  the  lumber  trust  but  to  the  national- 
bank  trust,  and  to  all  other  trusts  as  well."--^'^ 

On  still  another  day  Weaver  had  an  amusing 
controversy  with  E.  H.  Funston  of  Kansas  over 
the  duties  on  lumber  and  barbed  wire.  Each 
tried  to  get  the  other  to  answer  a  definite  ques- 
tion which  would  commit  him  upon  the  points  at 
issue.  Funston  described  himself  as  a  protec- 
tionist, ^^not  merely  for  the  things  that  we  pro- 
duce ourselves,  not  upon  the  ground  that  I  want 
all  things  that  we  consume  in  my  State  to  come 
in  free  and  a  duty  to  be  laid  upon  all  things  we 
produce'',  but  upon  ''the  broad  principles  of 
Henry  Clay,  who  so  ably  advocated  the  doc- 
trines of  the  protective  system. ' '  Weaver  tried 
to  make  plain  that  the  Republican  legislature 
of  Kansas  had  taken  the  position  that  he  main- 
tained, and  that  four  of  Funston 's  colleagues 
had  voted  for  free  lumber.  Funston  replied 
that  Weaver  misrepresented  his  own  State. 
''He  came  down  into  my  district  last  fall  and 
made  a  canvass  there.  The  people  of  Kansas 
have  learned  by  experience  that  whenever  there 
is  a  drought  in  the  Eocky  Mountains  we  get 
grasshoppers,  and  whenever  there  is  a  failure 
of  crops  in  Iowa  we  get  the  cranks.  "^^*^ 


266  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

During  June  it  appears  that  Weaver  took 
part  several  times  in  debates  upon  legislation 
in  regard  to  the  public  lands.  He  was  inter- 
ested particularly  in  the  active  prosecution  of 
fraudulent  claims  to  prevent  corporations  from 
getting  control  to  the  exclusion  of  actual  set- 
tlers. He  urged  ample  appropriations  for  this 
purpose  in  order  to  preserve  for  settlement  as 
much  as  possible  of  the  public  domain  which 
was  almost  exhausted. 

Challenging  the  statement,  made  by  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House,  that  all  the  parties  had  in 
times  past  favored  the  grants  to  railroads,  he 
asserted  that  ^4n  the  pure  days  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  before  they  obtained  power  and 
were  brought  face  to  face  with  the  temptations 
incident  to  power,  they  were  not  in  favor  of 
anything  of  that  kind, ' '  and  he  quoted  from  the 
platform  of  the  Free  Soil  Party  of  1852,  ''made 
by  the  grand  old  men  who  made  the  Republican 
party  *',  to  support  his  position.  After  the  Re- 
publican party  ''got  into  power  it  turned  around 
and  granted  the  public  domain  to  corporations 
and  opened  it  to  private  speculators  .... 
in  violation  of  the  principle  announced  in  the 
platform''  of  1852.  The  "land  grants  were  a 
mistake,  to  draw  it  mildly — and  we  may  as  well 
all  admit  it  now ;  it  was  a  great  wrong  to  grant 
a  single  acre  of  the  public  domain  to  corpora- 
tions.    .     .     .     Every  acre  of  the  public  lands 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  267 

should  have  been  held  for  homes  for  the  people, 
under  a  well-guarded  homestead  law.  That  was 
the  proper  w^ay  to  deal  with  the  public  domain ; 
but  instead  of  that  it  was  thrown  open  to  ruth- 
less speculators,  who  have  speculated  in  it  until 
the  poor  people  of  this  country  to-day  have  to 
fight  for  standing  room.''^^^ 

At  another  time  Weaver  urged  the  protection 
of  mineral  lands,  especially  of  the  coal  deposits. 
He  was  not  so  insistent  about  the  iron  deposits, 
^'because  iron  is  not  so  much  an  article  of  daily 
necessity'';  but  he  would  retain  the  title  to  all 
coal  lands,  giving  to  the  user  of  the  soil  the 
right  to  take  so  much  as  may  be  necessary  for 
his  private  purposes,  and  guarding  ^Hhe  balance 
carefully  for  the  use  of  the  people,  so  as  to  pro- 
tect them  against  paying  tribute  to  monopoly. ' ' 
He  would  allow  the  government  to  lease  the  coal 
lands,  and  to  prescribe  ^Hhe  maximum  price 
beyond  which  the  coal  shall  not  be  sold".  Nor 
would  he  use  government  control  as  a  source  of 
revenue  or  of  profit,  as  was  done  in  European 
countries:  he  did  not  want  the  government  to 
enter  into  mining  operations,  but  to  ^^  retain 
sovereign  control  over  the  source  of  the  fuel 
supply '\2i« 

Another  matter  in  which  he  was  interested 
was  the  reservation  along  all  water  courses, 
lake  and  sea  shores  for  public  use  of  alternate 
strips  of  land  one  hundred  feet  wide  and  one 


268  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

thousand  feet  long.  His  object  was  to  keep  peo- 
ple from  being  fenced  oif  from  water  for  stock 
and  other  necessary  water  supply.  Such  a  pro- 
vision was  just  as  necessary  as  the  one  for  high- 
ways to  give  access  to  land.  Often  in  the  West 
twenty  or  thirty  men  entered  the  whole  front  of 
a  stream,  and  on  the  side  of  it,  and  thus  cut  off 
all  others  from  access  to  it.  The  cattle  men 
excluded  other  settlers  from  water,  and  then 
acquired  all  the  adjoining  land  since  no  one  else 
could  use  it  under  the  circumstances.^^  ^ 

In  September,  1888,  Weaver  argued  for  the 
reservation  of  land  for  reservoir  sites  and  for 
irrigation  ditches,  and  a  ^^ moderate'^  appropri- 
ation *^for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  infor- 
mation necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of 
this  great  project."  He  had  '^for  the  past  ten 
years'*  been  doing  what  he  could  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  American  people  to  the  impor- 
tance of  the  question  of  homes  for  the  people. 
It  had  become  apparent  to  the  speculators  that 
the  great  area,  1,000,000  square  miles,  of  what 
was  known  as  the  arid  or  desert  land  would  soon 
have  to  be  occupied  and  that  irrigation  must  be 
relied  upon  to  make  it  fruitful  and  inhabitable. 
Consequently,  they  were  investing  in  that  part 
of  the  arid  region  which  must  be  used  for  sites 
for  reservoirs  for  the  surplus  water  which  falls 
in  certain  seasons  of  the  year.  Hence  the  imme- 
diate importance  of  the  reservation  of  such 
lands.212 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  269 

In  the  Fiftieth  Congress  it  appears  that 
Weaver  again  introduced  his  bill  for  the  organ- 
ization of  Oklahoma  as  a  Territory;  and  Con- 
gressman William  M.  Springer  introduced  two 
bills  for  the  same  purpose,  the  second  of  which, 
introduced  on  June  25,  1888,  was  debated  on 
July  25th,  August  6th,  28th,  and  30th,  and  on 
September  12th  and  13th.  On  August  30th 
Weaver  made  some  brief  remarks  upon  it  with 
reference  to  a  proposed  amendment  which  he 
thought  would  prevent  a  man  from  selling  a 
mortgaged  farm  and  making  a  new  start  in 
Oklahoma.  In  his  opinion  it  would  exclude 
worthy  men  whose  misfortune  it  was  to  be  mort- 
gaged beyond  their  power  of  redemption.^ ^^ 

Another  related  measure  was  a  bill  passed  by 
the  Senate  which  extended  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  to  the  unorganized  territory, 
south  of  Kansas,  west  of  the  Indian  Territory, 
and  north  of  the  Panhandle  of  Texas,  known  as 
No  Man's  Land  or  the  Public  Land  Strip.  The 
proposition  was  to  create  a  land  office  there  and 
allow  lands  to  be  acquired  under  the  homestead 
laws,  and  also  to  extend  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  over  the  district.  The  advocates  of  this 
bill  claimed  that  there  were  15,000  people  set- 
tled there  without  any  form  of  government.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  supporters  of  the  Oklahoma 
Bill  declared  that  it  would  be  just  as  easy  to 
pass  their  bill,  and  if  it  were  passed  there  would 


270  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

be  no  need  for  the  other  measure.  The  Okla- 
homa Bill  was  a  more  satisfactory  solution, 
since  it  would  establish  a  local  government; 
while  the  other  bill  would  merely  extend  over 
the  district  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
do  not  furnish  any  protection  under  the  crim- 
inal code  nor  any  protection  for  property. 
Weaver,  of  course,  opposed  the  Senate  bill, 
which  he  described  as  **a  rival  project'^  that 
was  ^*  designed  to  disembowel  the  Oklahoma 
proposition. '^  He  declared  that  it  had  been  de- 
nounced at  a  recent  meeting  by  the  people  living 
in  the  district  who  favored  the  Oklahoma  Bill, 
and  that  600,000  laboring  men  had  petitioned 
for  the  passage  of  the  broader  measure.  Ap- 
parently, the  opposition  to  the  Public  Land 
Strip  Bill  was  successful  as  there  was  no 
further  discussion  of  it  during  the  session.^^^ 

General  Weaver's  remaining  share  in  the 
work  of  the  session  was  of  a  miscellaneous  char- 
acter. He  took  part  in  a  debate  in  March  upon 
a  bill  to  make  changes  in  the  Department  of 
Labor;  he  asked  whether  it  would  become  an 
executive  department,  and  whether  its  head 
would  be  a  cabinet  officer.  Evidently  he  had  in 
mind  his  bill  of  the  previous  Congress.  The 
law  to  ^^  create  boards  of  arbitration  for  settling 
controversies  and  differences  between  railroad 
corporations  and  other  common  carriers  en- 
gaged in  interstate  and  Territorial  transporta- 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  271 

tion  of  property  or  passengers  and  their  em- 
ployes'' was  passed  at  this  session,  but  Weaver 
seems  not  to  have  taken  any  part  in  the  debate 
upon  it.  As  he  had  stated  in  debate  in  the 
previous  Congress,  he  was  not  a  believer  in 
such  legislation:  he  would  improve  the  funda- 
mental conditions  out  of  the  maladjustment  of 
which  strikes  and  labor  difficulties  arose.^^^ 

When  in  the  course  of  the  debate  over  the 
Department  of  Labor  the  question  of  farm 
mortgages  came  up.  Weaver  declared  that  dur- 
ing the  summer  of  1887  he  had  travelled  * '  from 
Western  New  York,  through  portions  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Missouri, 
Kansas,  and  Nebraska ' ',  and  the  very  best  testi- 
mony he  could  procure  indicated  that  "two- 
thirds  of  all  the  farms  in  the  United  States  and 
Territories''  were  under  mortgages.  He  be- 
lieved "this  fearful  state  of  affairs"  was  "the 
result  of  excessive  interest  charges,  excessive 
transportation  charges,  and  insufficient  volume 
of  money,  excessive  taxes,  and  improvident 
management"  of  the  public  domain.^ ^^ 

During  the  session  Weaver  introduced  forty- 
four  bills  and  resolutions  —  of  which  twenty-six 
were  pension,  relief,  or  other  private  bills ;  two 
were  for  public  buildings,  one  at  Oskaloosa  and 
the  other  at  Ottumwa;  and  sixteen  were  of  a 
public  character.  Of  the  latter,  four  were  cur- 
rency or  financial  measures ;  ^ve,  including  the 


272  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Oklahoma  Bill,  had  reference  to  the  public 
lands;  while  of  the  remaining-  seven,  one  was 
for  the  popular  election  of  United  States  Sen- 
ators, another  was  his  Soldier  Bill,  and  the 
others  were  to  repeal  the  duty  on  lumber,  to 
establish  a  postal  telegraph,  to  amend  the 
patent  laws,  to  define  the  time  when  pensions 
should  take  effect,  and  to  donate  some  con- 
demned cannon  to  an  Iowa  town.^^"^ 

General  Weaver  availed  himself  of  every  op^ 
portunity  to  attack  the  national  banks.  Espe- 
cially did  he  oppose  the  then  recent  practice  of 
depositing  large  amounts  of  government  funds 
in  the  banks  without  interest  —  a  practice 
widely  extended  at  that  time  because  of  the 
large  surplus  that  had  accumulated.  In  a  de- 
bate upon  a  bill  to  provide  for  the  purchase  of 
United  States  bonds  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  it  appears  that  Weaver  followed 
McKinley  and  was  in  turn  followed  by  Reed. 
Mills  assigned  thirty  minutes  to  Weaver,  who 
described  the  country  as  ^Svithin  the  grasp  of  a 
gigantic,  cold-blooded  money  trust,  which  limits 
the  money  output,  prescribes  the  conditions  on 
which  it  deigns  to  accept  the  currency  at  the 
hands  of  the  Government,  determines  the  chan- 
nels through  which  it  shall  reach  the  people, 
and  the  terms  upon  which  it  shall  be  doled 
out.     .     .     . 

*^For  a  quarter  of  a  century  this  trust  has 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  273 

overawed  Congress,  and  at  this  time  is  setting 
at  defiance  laws  which  it  does  not  approve.  It 
is  a  national  organization,  with  ramifications 
everywhere.  It  holds  annual  sessions,  has  an 
executive  council,  w^hich  meets  in  secret,  and  is 
clothed  with  power  to  collect  large  sums  of 
money  and  to  disburse  the  same  for  purposes 
which  are  not  made  public.  It  is  the  architect 
of  our  present  financial  structure.  They  have 
built  it  to  suit  the  cupidity  of  the  usurer  and  so 
as  to  administer  to  the  devouring  appetite  of 
money  ghouls,  rather  than  to  serve  the  legiti- 
mate wants  of  business  and  trade.  They  have 
made  it  a  snare,  a  delusion,  and  a  rack  of  tor- 
ture to  those  who  are  content  to  accumulate 
wealth  by  production,  and  it  has  proved  a  bed 

of  quicksand  to  business  energy  and  honest 
thrift. ''218 

The  second  session  of  the  Fiftieth  Congress, 
which  was  Weaver's  last  period  of  service  at 
Washington,  lasted  from  December  3,  1888,  to 
March  2,  1889.  Being  the  short  session  it  was 
devoted  largely  to  the  passage  of  appropriation 
bills.  Weaver  again  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  country,  as  he  had  in  1880  by  his  fight  for 
the  consideration  of  his  resolution  against  the 
refunding  of  the  national  debt.  At  this  time  he 
led  a  filibuster  in  the  House  which  resulted  in 
the  passage  of  the  Oklahoma  Bill  in  the  face  of 
strong  opposition. 

19 


274  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

The  filibuster  began  on  Tuesday,  January 
Sth,  and  continued  until  Saturday,  January 
12th,  ^'preventing  thereby  totally  the  trans- 
action of  any  public  business,  except  a  few  con- 
ference reports/'  By  a  series  of  dilatory 
motions  and  by  requiring  votes  thereon,  the 
time  of  the  House  was  consumed  for  four  days. 
Saturday  morning  an  arrangement  was  made 
between  the  Democratic  leaders  —  Carlisle, 
Eandall,  and  Mills  —  and  General  Weaver,  ac- 
cording to  which  he  was  to  cease  to  filibuster 
and  the  Speaker  was  ''to  recognize  a  motion  to 
pass  the  Oklahoma  bill  under  suspension  of  the 
rules  on  the  next  'suspension  day',  and  if  the 
opponents  of  the  bill  filibuster  to  prevent  a 
vote",  the  House  was  to  be  kept  in  continuous 
session  from  day  to  day  until  a  vote  should  be 
taken  on  the  passage  of  the  bill.  In  accordance 
with  this  understanding  Weaver  ceased  to  make 
dilatory  motions  Saturday  morning,  and  on 
Monday  the  necessary  changes  in  the  rules  were 
made  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  fifty-six  to 
eighty-five,  eighty-two  not  voting.  "All  over 
the  country",  to  use  the  words  of  one  Congress- 
man, ' '  in  every  newspaper  in  this  land,  from  the 
great  metropolitan  dailies  down  to  the  little 
country  papers  ....  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  has  a  notoriety,  not  to  say  reputation, 
which  has  not  been  equaled  by  the  performance 
of  any  other  gentleman  who  has  occupied  a  seat 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  275 

on  this  floor  since  my  public  career  hegan^\^^^ 
As  a  result  of  Weaver's  effort  the  Oklahoma 
Bill  was  taken  up  on  January  30th,  debated  on 
that  and  the  following  day,  and  passed  by  the 
House  on  February  1st  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred 
forty-seven  to  one  hundred  and  two,  seventy- 
two  not  voting.  The  bill  then  went  to  the  Senate 
where  it  failed  to  receive  attention  because  of 
the  lateness  of  its  passage  in  the  House,  and 
because  of  the  congestion  of  business  incident 
to  the  close  of  the  session.  A  bill  for  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Territory  of  Oklahoma  was 
finally  passed  in  1890.^20 

Although  the  organization  of  a  Territorial 
government  was  delayed  until  the  following 
year,  the  opening  of  Oklahoma  for  settlement 
was  provided  for  at  this  session  of  Congress. 
On  January  19,  1889,  delegates  of  the  Creeks 
agreed  to  cede  to  the  United  States  the  western 
half  of  their  domain  in  consideration  of 
$2,280,857.10,  the  agreement  being  ratified  by 
the  Creek  Council  on  January  31st  and  by  Con- 
gress on  March  1,  1889.  A  provision  was  in- 
serted in  the  Indian  Appropriation  Bill  for  the 
appointment  of  three  commissioners  by  the 
President  to  arrange  with  the  Cherokee  and 
other  Indians  owning  or  claiming  lands  west  of 
the  ninety-sixth  degree  of  longitude  to  cede 
their  lands  upon  the  same  conditions  as  those 
made  with  the  Creeks.     If  these  terms  were 


276  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

accepted,  the  President  was  authorized  by 
proclamation  to  open  the  lands  for  settlement. 
No  preparations  for  the  government  of  the 
opened  lands  were  made  by  Congress  other  than 
the  establishment  of  a  United  States  court  for 
the  whole  Indian  Territory.  Land  offices  were 
established  at  Guthrie  and  one  other  place,  and 
a  military  force  was  placed  in  the  district  to 
keep  it  free  of  intruders  until  the  time  set  for 
its  legal  opening. 

By  these  provisions  for  the  purchase  of  the 
Indian  lands  one  of  the  objections  raised  in  the 
debates  on  the  bill  for  the  organization  of  a 
Territorial  government  for  Oklahoma  was  re- 
moved. The  argument  that  the  government  had 
not  as  yet  secured  title  to  these  lands  from  the 
Indians  could  no  longer  be  used;  this  action 
would  therefore  pave  the  way  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  regular  form  of  government.  Gen- 
eral Weaver  took  only  an  incidental  part  in  the 
debates  on  these  cessions ;  but  he  was  neverthe- 
less keenly  interested  in  the  passage  of  these 
portions  of  the  bill,  and  one  of  the  incidents  he 
delighted  to  recall  was  his  *' breakneck  ride^' 
down  Pennsylvania  Avenue  with  Senator  Jones 
of  Arkansas  to  get  President  Cleveland's  signa- 
ture in  the  last  hours  of  his  first  administra- 
tion. An  agreement  was  made  with  the  Sem- 
inoles  for  the  release  and  conveyance  of 
5,439,865  acres  of  land,  for  which  the  sum  of 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  277 

$4,193,799.12  was  paid,  and  these  lands  were 
opened  to  settlement  by  presidential  proclama- 
tion on  April  22,  1889. 

From  the  date  of  the  President's  proclama- 
tion  a   steadily  increasing  number   of  home- 
seekers,  with  adventurers  of  all  kinds,  collected 
on  the  borders  of  the  district.    *^  Whole  outfits 
for    towns,    including    portable    houses,    were 
shipped  by  rail,  and  individual  families  in  pic- 
turesque,    primitive,     white-covered     wagons, 
journeying  forward,  stretched  out  for  miles  in 
an  unbroken  line.''     No  person  entering  the 
district  before  the  appointed  time  could  ever 
acquire  lands.     The  law  forbidding  the  intro- 
duction of  liquor  into  the  Indian  Territory  was 
strictly  enforced,  and  to  this  action  was  largely 
due  the  peaceful  occupation  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  most  of  the  settlers  were  armed.     ^^The 
blast  of  a  bugle,  at  noon  on  a  beautiful  spring 
day,  was  the  signal  for  a  wild  rush  across  all 
the  borders.     Men  on  horseback,   on  foot,  in 
every  conceivable  vehicle,  sought  homes  at  the 
utmost  speed,  and  before  nightfall  town  sites 
were  laid  out  for  several  thousand  inhabitants 
each.     Upward  of  50,000  persons  entered  the 
Territory,  and  between  6,000  and  7,000  were 
conveyed  from  Arkansas  City  to  Guthrie  by 
rail  in  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day. ' ' 

This  dramatic  beginning  of  the  present  State 
of  Oklahoma  marked  the  end  of  a  long  struggle. 


278  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

As  early  as  1879  an  extensive  scheme  was 
planned  to  take  forcible  possession.  Parties 
from  Missouri,  Kansas,  and  Texas  entered  the 
Territory,  carrying  household  goods  and  farm- 
ing implements  with  the  intention  of  locating 
homes ;  but  a  proclamation  of  President  Hayes 
forbade  the  movement,  and  ordered  their  re- 
moval by  military  force  if  necessary.  A  second 
proclamation  to  the  same  effect  was  issued  early 
in  1880.  David  L.  Payne,  the  leader  of  the 
^^ boomers"  till  1884,  was  ^* repeatedly  arrested 
by  United  States  troops  and  expelled"  from  the 
region,  ^^the  number  of  his  followers  increasing 
with  every  successive  expedition".  After  the 
death  of  Payne,  raids  were  organized  by  W.  L. 
Couch  and  others  who  had  previously  acted  as 
his  lieutenants.  In  December,  1884,  Couch 
entered  the  Territory  with  a  large  body  of 
armed  men,  encamped,  and  defied  removal  by 
the  military.  In  January,  1885,  he  was  obliged 
to  surrender,  he  and  his  leading  associates  be- 
ing arrested  upon  ^'a  charge  of  unlawfully 
engaging  in  insurrection  against  the  authority 
of  the  United  States".  The  suits  were  subse- 
quently dismissed.  President  Cleveland  fol- 
lowed the  same  policy,  and  the  removal  of 
intruders  several  times  a  year  continued  until 
1887.  Meanwhile  negotiations  were  opened 
with  the  Indians  for  the  settlement  of  unoccu- 
pied lands.^^^ 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  279 

The  great  force  opposing  the  opening  of 
Oklahoma  came  from  the  rich  cattle  men,  who 
herded  hundreds  of  thousands  of  cattle  on  the 
ranges.  There  were  three  forces  that  opposed 
the  cattle  men:  the  ^* boomers"  who  desired  to 
occupy  the  land;  their  friends  throughout  the 
country  who  contributed  to  the  expense  of  the 
long  campaign ;  and  a  few  members  of  Congress 
headed  by  General  Weaver  of  Iowa,  Springer  of 
Illinois,  and  Mansur  of  Missouri.  ^'The  cattle 
men  were  rich  and  powerful.  Some  members  of 
Congress  were  supposed  to  be  personally  inter- 
ested. Other  members  had  friends  who  were 
interested.  A  powerful  lobby  was  maintained 
in  Congress  by  the  cattle  interests,  and  at  one 
time  a  Congressional  investigation  of  alleged 
corrupt  use  of  money  among  Congressmen  was 
threatened '  \  Many  meetings  were  held  in  Iowa 
and  Kansas  where  ways  and  means  were  dis- 
cussed and  provided  to  wrest  the  Territory 
from  the  cattle  men.  A  number  of  these  meet- 
ings were  held  at  the  Weaver  home ;  and  one  at 
Wichita,  Kansas,  was  attended  by  2000  persons, 
the  speakers  being  Weaver,  Couch,  and  Mansur. 

After  the  opening  of  the  country  disorder  be- 
came so  prevalent  that  some  sort  of  a  local 
government  became  necessary;  and  so  a  meet- 
ing was  called  for  a  certain  evening  at  Okla- 
homa City.  The  meeting  was  held  on  the  open 
prairie,  a  large  dry-goods  box  serving  as  a  plat- 


280  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

form.  Speeches  were  made  by  General  Weaver, 
who  presided,  and  by  others.  It  was  decided  to 
call  an  election  the  following  morning  and  elect 
a  city  ticket,  although  there  was  no  legal  basis 
for  such  procedure.  Captain  Couch,  for  years 
the  leader  of  the  boomers,  was  the  nominee  of 
the  meeting  for  mayor;  and  he  was  elected  on 
the  following  day.  A  Federal  officer  adminis- 
tered the  oath  of  office  and  the  officials  immedi- 
ately assumed  office.  Order  was  restored  and 
government  was  administered  in  this  way  until 
Congress  organized  the  Territory  of  Oklahoma 
in  1890. 

Other  Oklahoma  communities  met  the  situa- 
tion in  the  same  way;  mass  meetings  were  as- 
sembled, and  within  two  weeks  city  governments 
were  in  full  operation.  ^  ^  Though  these  govern- 
ments had  no  legal  basis,  being  founded  solely 
on  the  consent  of  the  citizens,  they  operated 
efficiently;  the  mayor's  orders  were  obeyed,  the 
ordinances  passed  by  the  city  councils  were 
complied  with,  and  the  jurisdiction  assumed  by 
the  police  courts  was  accepted,  in  both  civil  and 
criminal  cases.  No  further  governmental  or- 
ganization occurred  until,  after  more  than  a 
year,  a  dilatory  Congress  took  action.''  At  the 
beginning  the  Territory  embraced  only  about 
three  thousand  square  miles,  located  in  the 
west-central  part  of  the  original  Indian  Terri- 
tory.   It  was  rapidly  expanded  by  subsequent 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  281 

*^ openings''  until  in  1901  its  limits  touched 
Kansas  on  the  north  and  Texas  on  the  south 
and  its  area  increased  ten  times.^^^ 

In  December  General  Weaver  spoke  briefly  in 
favor  of  a  bill  to  incorporate  a  company  to  build 
a  canal  on  what  was  known  as  the  Nicaragua 
route.  He  believed  the  bill  was  ^*one  of  the 
most  important  measures  that  have  been  be- 
fore the  American  Congress  for  a  decade.  It 
bears  the  same  relation  to  the  trade  of  America 
that  the  discovery  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
bore  to  the  commerce  of  the  Old  World.  The 
discovery  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  turned  the 
commerce  of  A^ia  away  from  the  cities  of  the 
Mediterranean  to  the  cities  of  London  and 
Liverpool.  The  completion  of  this  great  canal 
will  turn  the  commerce  of  the  Orient  away  from 
the  cities  of  Liverpool  and  London  to  our  shores 
and  to  the  cities  of  the  United  States.  It  will 
give  us  more  than  3000  miles  of  advantage,  and 
we  can  trust  American  pluck  and  enterprise  to 
do  the  rest  ....  I  venture  to  hope  it  may 
pass  this  body  unanimously. ''^^^ 

Under  date  of  February  6,  1889,  General 
Weaver  printed  some  brief  remarks  upon  the 
same  subject.  He  again  expressed  approval  of 
the  general  purpose  of  the  measure,  although  it 
did  not  contain  **all  the  safeguards"  that  he 
deemed  desirable  in  such  an  important  piece  of 
legislation.     He  found  ^'the  Pacific  railroads 


282  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

present  in  great  force,  opposing  the  passage  of 
this  measure  with  all  their  power.  The  reason 
for  this  opposition  is  plain.  The  measure  takes 
from  them  their  monopoly  of  the  transconti- 
nental carrying  trade  ....  This  canal 
should  be  built  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  day  will  come  when  the  wisdom 
of  this  suggestion  will  be  appreciated ;  but  it  is 
impossible  to  secure  such  action  at  this  time. 
Let  me  suggest  also  that  the  day  for  the  con- 
struction of  this  great  commercial  enterprise 
has  arrived.  If  we  do  not  authorize  its  con- 
struction Germany  or  some  other  foreign 
power  will  do  so  at  once.  I  trust  the  measure 
may  pass,  and  that  this  great  route,  which 
shortens  our  pathway  to  the  Orient  between 
eight  and  ten  thousand  miles,  may  speedily  be 
constructed.''^^*  The  bill  passed  Congress  and 
was  approved  by  the  President  on  February  20, 
1889.225 

No  canal  has  ever  been  constructed  along  this 
route,  and  the  present  Panama  Canal  was  not 
begun  for  many  years.  But  Weaver's  predic- 
tion that  such  a  canal  should  be  built  by  the 
government  finally  came  true,  and  is  an  illus- 
tration of  his  keenness  of  vision,  or  rather  of 
his  ability  to  see  intuitively  in  advance  of  his 
contemporaries :  many  times  he  somehow  sensed 
things  that  public  men  and  business  men  have 
only  come  to  see  much  later  than  he  did. 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  283 

The  surplus  revenue  which  the  government 
received,  and  which  was  one  reason  for  the 
President's  proposed  reduction  of  the  tariff,  led 
to  many  schemes  of  lavish  expenditure.  One  of 
the  most  striking-  of  all  the  proposals  was  the 
measure  for  refunding  the  direct  tax  which  had 
been  levied  in  1861.  Naturally  but  little  of  this 
tax  had  been  collected  from  the  southern  States. 
The  northern  States  would  receive  back  prac- 
tically all  of  the  $17,000,000  which  they  had 
paid,  while  the  South  would  enjoy  merely  the 
remission  of  a  tax  which  no  one  supposed  would 
ever  be  collected.  Southern  representatives, 
with  some  help  from  the  North,  opposed  the 
measure.^2^ 

Ten  minutes  were  allowed  to  General  Weaver 
during  the  debate  upon  the  bill  on  December  12, 
1888.  He  could  not  see  his  way  clear  to  support 
it,  and  proceeded  to  give  some  of  the  reasons 
for  his  opposition.  The  direct  tax  was  'law- 
fully levied  for  a  patriotic  purpose''.  The 
proposition  to  refund  was  simply  one  ''to  do- 
nate the  money  to  the  various  States";  and  he 
denied  "the  existence  of  any  constitutional 
authority  to  make  such  a  donation."  It  was 
claimed  in  Iowa  during  the  campaign  that  the 
State  was  in  debt,  and  that  the  $400,000  it  would 
get  in  this  way  would  enable  it  to  pay  its  debt 
without  taxing  the  people  in  the  usual  way. 
To  this  argument  Weaver  replied  that  however 


284  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

convenient  it  might  be  for  any  State,  the  plan 
lacked  ^^constitutional  validity." 

Furthermore,  Weaver  maintained  that  it  was 
'^a  proposition  to  pay  Southern  war  claims '\ 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  Texas  paid 
about  $4,500,000  out  of  the  $17,000,000  actually 
collected;  that  amount  was  consequently  paid 
by  States  that  were  '^either  in  open  rebellion", 
or  ** furnished  troops  to  the  Southern  army." 
Such  a  proposal  in  direct  form  would  never  be 
tolerated,  but  that  was  really  what  the  refund 
did,  ^^  relieved  somewhat  ....  by  the  fact 
that  the  Northern  States  get  a  ^divy'." 

Furthermore,  **the  Southern  States  did  not 
pay  their  share  in  putting  down  the  rebellion. 
They  did  not  pay  their  share  of  the  stamp  tax, 
the  whisky  tax,  the  income  tax,  the  tax  upon  the 
gross  earnings  of  railroads,  the  tax  upon  manu- 
factures, or  of  any  other  tax  levied  to  suppress 
the  rebellion ;  and  if  you  are  to  pay  back  to  the 
States  of  the  North  —  the  loyal  States,  if  you 
please  —  their  share  of  this  tax,  upon  the  theory 
that  the  South  did  not  pay  their  fair  share,  why 
is  it  not  proper  to  go  into  a  regular  examination 
of  the  respective  shares  paid  by  the  Southern 
and  Northern  States,  rip  up  the  whole  question 
and  have  a  readjustment,  and  assess  the  whole 
country  to  pay  back  to  the  loyal  States  all  that 
they  paid  out  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebel- 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  285 

lion?  This  proposition  is  not  only  unconstitu- 
tional, but  highly  unreasonable  and  absurd. 

^'The  fact  that  we  have  a  surplus  in  the 
Treasury  does  not  give  propriety  or  justice  to 
this  measure.  If  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  owes  the  States  —  the  States  that  paid 
this  tax  —  the  amount  provided  for  in  this  bill, 
it  owes  it  without  regard  to  whether  we  have  a 
surplus  in  the  Treasury  or  not.  We  are  the 
trustees  of  the  money  now  in  the  Treasury.  It 
was  collected  for  certain  purposes,  and  w^e  are 
in  honor  bound  to  thwart  all  propositions  to 
expend  it  unlawfully.  If  we  must  pay  back  the 
seventeen  and  a  half  millions  collected  through 
the  direct  tax,  let  us  do  so  by  levying  another 
direct  tax  for  that  purpose.  Let  each  State  pay 
its  proportion.''  The  bill  was  passed  by  Con- 
gress, but  vetoed  by  President  Cleveland  as  a 
^^  sheer,  bald  gratuity. ''^^"^ 

The  last  brief  remarks  of  General  Weaver  in 
Congress  were  made  on  February  22,  1889, 
upon  the  bill  to  place  General  William  S. 
Rosecrans  upon  the  retired  list  of  the  army. 
He  declared  that  he  had  had  the  honor  to  serve 
under  General  Grant  and  that  he  cherished  his 
memory.  He  also  had  had  the  honor  to  serve 
under  'Hhe  distinguished  general  whose  name 
was  under  consideration",  and  he  was  his 
friend.  ^'I  care  nothing  about  the  controversy 
that  existed  between  the  two  generals  while  they 


286  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

were  both  living.  It  would  be  unbecoming  in 
me  to  do  so.  They  were  both  patriotic,  and  I 
believe  the  cause  of  the  Union  would  have  fared 
badly  had  they  not  been  in  the  service  of  the 
Government. 

**I,  too,  had  the  honor  to  participate  in  the 
battle  at  Corinth  in  1862,  and  I  know,  and  the 
country  knows,  that  but  for  the  magnificent 
strategy  of  Rosecrans,  his  soldierly  bearing,  his 
wonderful  grasp  of  and  attention  to  the  details 
of  that  battle,  the  Army  of  the  Southwest  would 
have  been  overthrown,  and  the  consequences 
could  not  have  been  foretold.  He  decoyed  the 
army  of  Price  on  to  the  spot  where  he  designed 
to  fight  the  battle,  and  the  result  was  that  he 
was  victorious  and  captured  parts  of  sixty-nine 
different  commands  serving  under  Price  and 
Van  Dorn  and  the  other  Confederate  command- 
ers. In  that  important  battle  he  saved  the 
cause  of  the  Union  in  the  Southwest.  Rosecrans 
was  a  splendid  soldier,  a  valuable  officer,  and  he 
is  now  a  most  honorable  citizen.  Few  are  more 
distinguished.  He  is  one  of  the  heroes  of  this 
age,  and  his  name  will  live  forever.  I  am  for 
this  bill.  It  must  be  passed.  We  cannot  dis- 
honor him  by  voting  no.  I  would  like  to  see  a 
unanimous  vote.  ^'^^'"^ 

During  his  three  terms  in  Congress  the  rec- 
ords   show    that    General    Weaver    supported 


LAST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS  287 

many  different  measures,  some  of  which  have 
long  been  upon  the  statute  books,  others  are 
still  under  discussion,  while  some  have  been 
shown  to  be  mistakes  and  have  been  wisely  for- 
gotten. His  financial  policy  included  the  pay- 
ment of  the  national  debt  incurred  during  the 
Civil  War  as  rapidly  as  possible  instead  of  its 
funding,  the  permanent  use  of  greenbacks  and 
the  retirement  of  the  national  bank  notes,  and 
the  free  coinage  of  silver.  His  public  land  pol- 
icy was  based  upon  the  preservation  of  the 
public  domain  for  the  use  of  actual  settlers,  and 
included  the  opening  of  Oklahoma,  the  forfeit- 
ure of  railroad  land  grants,  the  reservation  of 
coal  deposits,  the  allotment  of  lands  to  Indians 
in  severalty,  and  the  irrigation  of  the  arid  lands 
to  fit  them  for  settlement.  In  addition  he 
favored  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  and  free  raw 
materials  such  as  lumber  together  with  the  use 
of  an  income  tax  for  revenue  purposes.  In  the 
main  he  seems  to  have  supported  the  tariff 
policy  of  President  Cleveland  in  his  message  of 
1887.  He  believed  in  the  regulation  of  the  rail- 
roads by  the  government,  and  he  opposed  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Act  because  he  did  not 
regard  it  as  sufficiently  definite  and  explicit  in 
its  provisions.  His  judgment  was  justified  by 
the  early  history  of  its  operation.  He  favored 
a  number  of  other  measures,  such  as  the  pop- 
ular election  of  United  States   Senators,  the 


288  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

establishment  of  a  Department  of  Labor  with 
the  secretary  as  a  member  of  the  cabinet,  the 
construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  by  the 
government,  a  postal  telegraph,  and  the  Oleo- 
margarine Bill.  He  opposed  trusts  and  monop- 
olies in  every  form,  and  he  anticipated  the  more 
recent  hostility  to  convict  labor. 

The  Kansas  City  Times  in  1889  described 
him  as  ^^a  man  of  mark  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation,  and  however  much  his  greenback  and 
other  political  theories  may  be  attacked  or  be- 
littled, his  adversaries  regard  him  as  a  stub- 
born, hard  fighter,  not  easily  taken  at  disadvan- 
tage, capable  of  maintaining  himself  with 
credit  either  on  the  stump  or  in  the  halls  of 
legislation  ....  General  Weaver  is  well  up 
in  all  matters  of  legislative  history  and  prece- 
dent. He  is  a  fluent  and  forcible  speaker,  and 
although  gifted  with  superior  oratorical  pow- 
ers, employs  them  with  prudence  and  reserve. 
He  is  strong  in  running  debate,  takes  punish- 
ment well  and  repays  with  compound  interest. 
He  is  a  punctual  and  faithful  committeeman 
.  .  .  .  His  habits  are  industrious,  and  he  is 
always  happier  when  busily  employed  .... 
General  Weaver  has  a  pleasing  presence,  is 
above  the  average  height  and  compactly  built. 
He  looks  as  if  he  could  stand  no  end  of  physical 
fatigue  and  his  movements  are  quick  and  ner- 
vous.    Socially  considered,  he  fills  the  bill  of 


LAST  ter:\i  in  congress         289 

cleverness  in  the  American  sense.  Anybody  can 
see  and  talk  to  him,  as  he  is  a  plain,  unostenta- 
tious man  in  both  dress  and  address.  His  per- 
sonal habits  are  excellent,  and,  considered 
generally,  he  may  be  ranked  among  the  superior 
men  of  the  House.  Independence  of  thought 
and  action  are  his  leading  characteristics  and 
he  stands  loyally  by  his  friends. ''^^^ 

President  Cleveland  advised  with  him  about 
appointments  in  Iowa  and  followed  his  advice. 
He  is  quoted  as  saying  that  **  Weaver  is  one  of 
the  few  men  w^ho  come  to  talk  with  me  about 

something  else  than  politics  —  about  legisla- 
tion. "^30 


20 


XIV 

Feom  Geeenb acker  to  Populist 

1888-1892 

The  immediate  cause  of  General  Weaver's 
defeat  for  reelection  in  1888  was  the  late 
adjournment  of  Congress  in  that  year.  It  was 
late  in  October  before  the  session  closed;  and 
since  Weaver  remained  in  attendance  until 
almost  the  end  of  September,  he  had  only  a  few 
weeks  for  his  campaign.  Furthermore,  special 
efforts  were  made  by  the  Republicans  to  accom- 
plish his  defeat:  his  three  elections  from  the 
same  district  made  the  Republicans  especially 
anxious  to  dislodge  him.  Major  John  F.  Lacey 
was  drafted  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  con- 
test, which  it  was  felt  ^^was  desperate  indeed.'* 
There  was  also  believed  to  be  in  the  district 
a  ^^  secret  oath  bound  organization  .  .  .  . 
under  the  personal  supervision  and  manage- 
ment of  one  A.  F.  Mitchell,  who  carried  with 
him  autograph  letters  from  Gen.  Harrison  com- 
mending Mitchell's  plan  of  work,  and  urging 
the  Republicans  to  adopt  it."  This  organiza- 
tion had  been  at  work  in  Weaver's  home  county 
for   more    than    a   month   before    his    return. 

290 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  291 

Indeed,  the  same  kind  of  work  was  vigorously 
pushed  in  all  the  counties.  The  charge  was 
made  that  money  was  used  among  purchasable 
voters,  who  were  instructed  to  keep  on  appar- 
ently in  the  Weaver  ranks.  A  Bloomfield  paper 
stated  that  there  were  men  in  that  city  with 
plenty  of  money  after  the  election  who  were  not 
known  to  have  money  before.^^^ 

The  campaign  was  ^  *  one  of  the  most  notable 
.     .     .     .     ever  made  in  Iowa.''     There  were 
joint  discussions  in  every  county  and  people 
turned  out  in  large  numbers.    The  main  issues 
were  the  Mills  Bill  and  the  question  of  free 
trade.    ^^At  Newton,  Iowa,  the  speakers  stood 
under   the    court-house    portico    with    a   vast 
throng  in  front  of  them.     The  Sackville-West 
affair  had  just  occurred,  in  which  the  British 
minister  had  written  a  letter  advising  all  nat- 
uralized Englishmen  to  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket.    Mr.  Lacey  of  course  made  good  use  of 
this  incident.     General  Weaver  closed  the  de- 
bate that  day,  and  just  as  he  was  nearing  the 
last  part  of  his  very  eloquent  and  beautiful 
peroration  two  birds  fluttered  down  in  front  of 
him  from  the  portico  above  and  hung  balanced 
in  the  air  a  few  feet  in  front  of  his  breast.  They 
fluttered  playfully  against  each  other  and  re- 
mained in  the  same  position  for  perhaps  thirty 
seconds.     The  General  caught  the  inspiration 
of  the  situation  and  throwing  up  his  hands  to- 


292  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

ward  heaven,  said  in  earnest  tones,  ^The  very 
birds  in  the  air  bring  happy  omens  of  our  vic- 
tory.' Quick  as  a  flash  Major  Lacey  spoiled  all 
this  oratorical  effect  by  rising  and  crying  out, 
^Beware  of  them.  General!  They  are  English 
sparrows. ' 

**Here  the  General's  time  expired  and  the 
crowd  dispersed  laughing  and  shouting.  Until 
the  end  of  the  campaign  everyone  talked  of  the 
pestiferous  English  sparrows  nestling  in  the 
bosom  of  the  eloquent  general.  General  Weaver 
in  accounting  for  his  defeat  always  gave  con- 
siderable weight  to  this  incident. ' ' 

Weaver's  reference  to  Lacey  as  the  ''dapper 
little  corporation  attorney"  suggests  the  con- 
trast between  the  two  men.  Lacey  was  a  suc- 
cessful lawyer  who  had  been  drawn  into  poli- 
tics. He  had  no  sympathy  with  any  of  Weaver's 
ideas.  He  waged  the  campaign  along  the  tra- 
ditional lines  so  often  and  so  successfully  used 
by  the  advocates  of  protection.  He  was  a  ''Re- 
publican of  the  uncompromising  conservative 
order",  who  lost  his  seat  in  1906  through  the 
rise  of  the  "Progressive  movement"  with 
which  he  had  no  patience.^^^  Lacey  and  Weaver 
represented  most  excellently  the  older  and 
newer  types  of  politics :  one  was  unconscious  of 
the  newer  forms  of  social  politics;  while  the 
other,  equally  unconscious,  was  pioneering  the 
way  in  that  direction.    The  contest  in  the  sixth 


FEOM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  293 

district  of  Iowa  was  a  sug-gestive  and  significant 
one,  both  personally  and  from  the  point  of  view 
of  social  politics. 

Although  he  received  609  more  votes  than  in 
1886,  Weaver  lost  the  election  by  a  vote  of 
17,181  to  18,009.  Lacey's  vote  was  larger  by 
2,055  than  that  of  the  Republican  candidate  in 
1886.^^^  It  was  the  year  of  Harrison's  election 
when  the  Republicans  w^ere  especially  eager  to 
redeem  the  defeat  of  1884.  Weaver  ran  four 
times  as  a  fusion  candidate  in  the  district:  he 
was  elected  three  times.  At  each  election  he 
ran  ahead  of  the  vote  of  the  parties  that  sup- 
ported him.  His  victories  were  largely  per- 
sonal, and  he  probably  represented  the  real 
views  of  a  majority  of  his  constituents.  He 
never  had  a  strong  party  organization  behind 
him  as  did  the  Republican  candidates. 

The  larger  causes  of  Weaver's  defeat  are  to 
be  sought  in  the  political  conditions  of  the  time. 
He  entered  Congress  as  a  Greenbacker  when 
the  new  party  was  at  the  height  of  its  power; 
and  when  he  was  reelected  in  1884  and  1886, 
that  party  was  still  in  existence,  though  rapidly 
declining.  As  already  pointed  out,  the  Demo- 
cratic victory  of  1884  represented  in  a  certain 
sense  the  climax  of  the  Greenback  agitation. 
During  the  years  from  1885  to  1889,  w^hile 
Weaver  was  serving  in  Congress,  the  Green- 
back party  disappeared,  and  a  temporary  party, 


294  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

known  by  the  name  of  Union  Labor,  absorbed 
its  remnants.  Other  Greenbackers  returned  to 
the  Republican  party  from  which  they  had 
come,  while  some  joined  the  Democratic  party. 
President  Cleveland  received  the  support  of  a 
good  many  independents  who  were  chiefly  inter- 
ested in  good  government  and  who  had  little 
interest  in  social  politics. 

In  1886  Weaver  referred  to  himself  as  a 
Greenbacker  in  a  discussion  in  Congress  in  re- 
gard to  the  lack  of  definite  policies  or  tests  of 
membership  in  the  two  old  parties.  He  told 
the  Democrats  that  ^*we  Greenbackers  in  Iowa 
affiliate  with  you  and  here  in  this  House  as  far 
as  we  can,  but,  reserving  to  ourselves  all  the 
time  the  right  to  our  own  independence  and  the 
independence  of  the  organization  ....  If 
the  Democratic  party  will  do  anything  for  the 
people  of  this  country,  we  say,  amen.  We  will 
help  you  to  do  it."^^^ 

Two  years  later  in  July,  1888,  in  explanation 
of  charges  of  inconsistency  in  his  public  utter- 
ances, he  described  his  party  changes  from  be- 
fore the  Civil  War  to  the  time  at  which  he  was 
speaking.  He  gave  his  reasons  for  leaving  the 
Eepublican  party  in  1877,  declaring  that  the 
events  of  the  past  ten  years  had  justified  his 
action.  He  spoke  of  himself  as  a  member  of 
the  Union  Labor  party,  '^into  which  the  Green- 
back party  has  practically  merged,  along  with 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  295 

some  other  labor  organizations. ' '  While  he  had 
never  joined  the  Democratic  party,  he  had  felt 
it  to  be  his  duty  ^'to  affiliate  with  that  party  in 
this  House,  in  my  State,  and  in  my  district, 
whenever  it  was  practicable,  through  the  action 
of  separate  conventions,  because  I  believe  the 
Democratic  party  is  nearer  to  the  people  than 
the  Republican  party,  and  because  I  find  more 
friends  there  for  the  principles  which  I  repre- 
sent than  in  any  other  party  outside  of  my  own. 

*^But  while  thus  affiliating,  it  has  been  done 
in  the  frankest  possible  manner  and  with  the 
distinct  knowledge  that  I  reserve  my  independ- 
ence and  the  right  to  strike  at  wrong  wherever 
found,  and  ....  I  have  been  fearless  in  the 
exercise  of  my  independence.  I  have  nothing 
to  conceal  here.  Those  old  extracts  have  been 
read  in  all  the  campaigns  in  Iowa  for  the  past 
decade,  until  they  sound  like  extracts  from 
ancient  history.  The  Democrats  there  have 
said,  *Yes,  he  did  hit  us  hard,  but  we  hit  him 
just  as  hard,  and  the  account  is  square ;  and  we 
prefer  him  to  any  monopoly  Republican  that 
can  be  put  up  in  the  State  \"^^^ 

Developments  in  Iowa  politics  during  these 
same  years  also  throw  light  upon  political  con- 
ditions. Early  in  June,  1887,  a  State  conven- 
tion was  held  at  Marshalltown  under  the  name 
of  Union  Labor,  although  very  few  labor  men 
were  present.    There  was  two  factions,  one  led 


296  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

by  L.  H.  Weller  and  J.  E.  Sovereign,  opposed 
to  fusion,  and  the  other  led  by  E.  H.  Gillette 
and  L.  Q.  Hoggatt,  who  were  willing  to  unite 
with  the  Democrats.  The  latter  group,  with 
whom  Weaver  worked,  far  outnumbered  the 
Weller  or  anti-fusion  forces,  but  Weller  got  a 
resolution  passed  allowing  those  present  from 
any  county  to  cast  the  full  vote  of  the  county, 
and  by  this  means  the  distant  counties,  though 
slimly  represented,  had  as  much  weight  as  the 
sixth  and  seventh  districts  that  had  almost  a 
full  representation.  Thus  the  minority  ob- 
tained at  once  a  two-thirds  vote,  and  Weller  and 
the  anti-fusionists  had  control.  The  Weaver 
men  favored  ex-Congressman  B.  T.  Frederick, 
a  Democrat,  for  Governor;  but  Weller  suc- 
ceeded in  nominating  M.  J.  Caine.^'^^' 

The  defeated  faction  met  at  Des  Moines  late 
in  August  and  issued  an  address  to  farmers  and 
labor  men,  but  made  no  nominations.  In  Octo- 
ber a  State  committee,  selected  at  Des  Moines, 
issued  a  short  address  regretting  that  the  con- 
vention at  Marshalltown  had  not  been  harmo- 
nious, but  declaring  that  the  platform  was 
satisfactory  and  advising  members  of  the  party 
to  support  the  ticket  since  it  was  too  late  to 
name  new  candidates.  The  Greenback  vote  was 
14,283,  as  compared  with  23,013  for  Weaver  in 
1883,  the  last  year  in  which  there  had  been  a 
straight  Greenback  ticket  in  the  field.-^"^ 


FROM  GREENBACKEK  TO  POPULIST  297 

In  1888  there  was  in  Iowa  only  one  third 
party  convention,  which  was  held  at  Marshall- 
town  in  June  and  at  which  it  was  agreed  to  put 
a  straight  ticket  in  the  field  for  the  State  elec- 
tion. The  leaders  were  Weller,  Gillette,  and 
Sovereign,  and  there  was  considerable  discus- 
sion over  the  endorsement  of  Weaver  and 
Anderson  for  their  action  in  Congress :  Weller 
opposed  the  endorsement  of  the  latter  who  had 
been  elected  as  an  Independent  Republican. 
Several  Iowa  men  were  prominent  in  the  Na- 
tional Union  Labor  convention  held  at  Cincin- 
nati in  May.  Among  them  w^ere  Gillette,  Caine, 
Weller,  and  W.  H.  Robb.  Apparently  Weaver 
did  not  attend  either  the  State  or  national  con- 
vention. Probably  he  did  not  wish  to  be  away 
from  Congress  during  the  debate  upon  the  Mills 
Bill  in  which  he  took  a  great  deal  of  interest. 
The  vote  at  the  State  election  showed  a  falling 
off  of  over  5000  from  that  of  1887.^^^^ 

There  was  mention  of  General  Weaver  as  a 
candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate  in  1888 
to  succeed  James  F.  Wilson  whose  term  expired 
in  1889.  The  Washington  correspondent  of 
The  Iowa  State  Register  was  described  by  a 
contemporary  as  bringing  out  Weaver  as  a  can- 
didate, and  it  was  added  that  '^the  big  and  the 
little  organs  of  the  republican  party  will  en- 
gage in  unceasing  warfare  upon  Weaver,  his 
senatorial   ambitions   and   his   proposed   cam- 


298  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

paigii  for  election.  Even  the  organs  that  have 
so  strongly  urged  the  election  of  nnion  generals 
to  the  senate  will  oppose  Weaver/'  The  same 
paper  thought  that  The  Iowa  State  Register 
had  an  object  in  proposing  Weaver,  and  that 
object  was  to  strengthen  Hepburn  who  was  be- 
ing urged  by  that  paper  against  Wilson. 

Again,  the  same  authority  declared  that  if 
Weaver  should  be  endorsed  by  the  Democratic 
State  convention  as  a  senatorial  candidate  he 
**and  his  friends  will  make  a  canvass  of  the 
state  that  will  surprise  the  opposition. ''  Ee- 
publicans  feared  trouble  from  him  in  the  next 
campaign  and  they  had  ^^  concluded  that  a  dem- 
ocratic prejudice  had  better  be  worked  up 
against  him  before  the  canvass  begins." 

The  Washington  representative  of  The  Iowa 
State  Register  was  quoted  as  follows:  *^Gen. 
Weaver  is  mapping  out  a  programme  for  the 
democratic  state  convention  this  year,  and, 
judging  the  future  by  the  past,  it  is  safe  to 
assume  that  the  convention  will  accept  any  plan 
he  may  suggest,  even  though  it  may  involve  a 
departure  from  the  time-honored  custom  of  the 
party.  In  a  recent  conversation  with  a  promi- 
nent democratic  politician  from  Iowa,  he  said 
that  their  convention  this  year  would  nominate 
a  candidate  for  United  States  senator  and  in 
the  election  of  members  of  the  legislature,  the 
people  would  know  who  tlie  successor  of  Sen- 


FKOM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  299 

ator  Wilson  would  be  in  the  event  the  democrats 
should  secure  a  majority  on  joint  ballot.  He 
expressed  great  confidence  in  the  result,  and 
thought  the  democrats  would  have  a  safe  work- 
ing majority  in  the  legislature,  and  the  election 
of  a  democratic  successor  to  Mr.  Wilson  would 
follow.  It  is  believed  here  that  Weaver  expects 
to  be  named  by  the  convention  for  the  senato- 
rial succession.'' 

In  the  same  article  in  which  this  statement  is 
quoted  are  to  be  found  some  suggestive  com- 
ments. ^  ^  Iowa  democrats  will  not  be  prejudiced 
against  Weaver  by  such  interviews.  If  the 
General  made  such  predictions,  they  are  cer- 
tainly of  such  a  nature  as  to  encourage  demo- 
crats. Being  a  member  of  congress,  it  is  hardly 
possible  that  he  would  court  a  senatorial  nomi- 
nation—  after  the  Nebraska  plan  —  if  he  did 
not  feel  sanguine  that  he  could  and  would  make 
a  successful  race.  It  is  possible  that  he  does  not 
wish  the  nomination,  but  if  he  does  he  will  ask 
for  it.  If  he  receives  it  he  will  make  the  best 
effort  he  can  make  to  win.  His  style  of  seeking 
office  in  the  past  has  been  commendable  and  by 
far  too  successful  to  please  his  republican 
opponents.  "^^^ 

A  Union  Labor  convention  was  held  at  Des 
Moines  in  September,  1889,  in  which  a  resolu- 
tion was  passed  favoring  the  nomination  of 
candidates  for  the  United  States  Senate  by  the 


300  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

different  political  parties,  and  proposing  the 
naming  of  General  Weaver  as  the  Union  Labor 
candidate  for  Senator.  There  was  a  strong 
sentiment  in  the  convention  against  fusion, 
as  was  shown  in  the  vote  upon  the  resolu- 
tion introduced  by  Weller  which  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  150  to  30.  The  Union  Labor  candi- 
dates received  votes  varying  from  5300  to  5800. 
The  election  of  this  year  was  notable  because 
the  Democrats  elected  their  first  Governor  since 
the  Civil  War.  Overshadowing  the  principles 
for  which  the  Greenback  and  Union  Labor 
parties  contended,  the  prohibition  issue  was  the 
chief  feature  of  the  campaign.  Weaver's  pro- 
nounced views  upon  prohibition  made  any 
fusion  with  the  Democrats  less  probable  than 
in  the  last  few  years.^"^^ 

In  August,  1890,  there  was  held  at  Des  Moines 
a  nondescript  convention  composed  of  delegates 
from  the  Greenback  and  Union  Labor  parties, 
Knights  of  Labor,  Farmers'  Alliances,  and 
Granges.  The  miscellaneous  character  of  the 
gathering  illustrated  concretely  the  confused 
political  conditions.  There  were  still  some  who 
called  themselves  Greenbackers,  the  temporary 
Union  Labor  party  had  not  entirely  disap- 
peared, and  the  elements  which  were  the  next 
year  to  be  organized  into  the  Populist  party 
were  actively  at  work.  The  name  of  Union 
Labor  Industrial  Party  of  Iowa  was  used  to 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  301 

describe  the  convention  of  independents  of  this 
year.  It  added  to  its  platform  on  motion  of 
General  Weaver  a  resolution  for  the  election  of 
United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people.  ''And  until  we  can  properly  amend  the 
constitution  in  this  behalf,  we  favor  the  nomi- 
nation of  United  States  senators  in  the  State 
conventions,  pledging  in  the  same  resolution  all 
Representatives  elected  by  our  party  to  vote  for 
the  nominee  at  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature. ' ' 

General  Weaver  also  addressed  the  conven- 
tion, although  a  Republican  newspaper  claimed 
that  he  declined  to  serve  on  the  platform  com- 
mittee because  his  close  identification  with  such 
a  convention  would  injure  his  standing  with 
the  Democrats  in  the  seventh  district.  Such  a 
statement  hardly  seems  worthy  of  much  con- 
sideration, for  within  two  weeks  of  the  meeting 
of  the  convention  he  declined  a  unanimous  nom- 
ination for  Congress  by  the  Democrats  of  that 
district.  He  gave  his  reasons  fully  for  refusing 
to  accept  in  a  letter  written  August  28,  1890.^^^ 

With  characteristic  frankness  he  wrote: 
''Feeling  at  all  times  a  warm  sympathy  for  the 
great  industrial  movement  now  shaking  the  re- 
public from  center  to  circumference,  I  advised 
members  of  the  alliance  and  other  labor  organ- 
izations to  hold  a  conference  in  the  district  con- 
cerning congressional  matters.  Such  a  con- 
ference was  held.    .    .    .    Friends  attending  the 


302  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

meeting  were  instructed  not  to  allow  my  name 
to  be  considered.  This  conference  designated 
Hon.  Jas.  H.  Barnett  as  its  candidate.  You 
will  readily  see  from  this  statement  of  facts 
that  I  cannot  consent  to  stand  as  a  candidate, 
and  that  if  I  should  do  so  I  would  subject  my- 
self to  the  charge  of  bad  faith,  and  I  know  that 
you  would  not  knowingly  place  me  in  such  a 
situation.  These  facts  were  unknown  to  the 
members  of  the  convention  when  I  was  nomi- 
nated, but  I  cannot  ignore  their  force. 

^^I  trust  that  the  Seventh  district  and  every 
other  district  in  Iowa  may  be  redeemed  from 
republican  misrepresentation  at  the  coming 
election.  There  should  be  no  division  of  senti- 
ment in  our  state  in  view  of  the  circumstances 
which  confront  the  people.  The  republican 
leaders  are  determined  at  all  hazards  to  per- 
petuate their  power,  and  to  do  so  they  do  not 
hesitate  to  trample  under  foot  the  plain  letter 
of  the  constitution,  the  traditions  of  the  fathers, 
and  the  liberties  of  the  people.  This  is  plainly 
shown  by  the  passage  of  the  Lodge  bill  through 
the  house,  the  McKinley  tariff  bill,  and  the  de- 
feat of  the  bill  for  the  unrestricted  coinage  of 
silver.  The  first  of  these  measures  takes  the 
election  of  representatives  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  people  where  it  has  rested  for  more  than  a 
century  and  places  it  under  the  control  of 
partisan  officers  appointed  for  life.    The  second. 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  303 

if  it  shall  become  a  law,  will  increase  the  cost  of 
nearly  all  the  necessities  of  life  without  dimin- 
ishing a  single  burden.  The  third  demonetizes 
silver,  reduces  the  country  to  a  single  gold 
standard  and  in  conjunction  with  kindred  legis- 
lation renders  general  business  prosperity  im- 
possible. I  trust  the  people  of  Iowa  may  break 
through  all  obstacles  and  elect  a  delegation  to 
congress  who  will  look  after  Iowa  interests  in- 
stead of  the  interests  of  money  sharks,  corpora- 
tions and  cutthroat  combines.  ^'^^^ 

Light  is  thrown  upon  the  political  situation 
by  an  editorial  upon  Weaver  ^s  declination  of 
the  Democratic  nomination,  in  which  after  an 
expression  of  sincere  regret,  the  statement  is 
made  that  ^'had  Mr.  Barnett  been  willing  to 
withdraw  his  candidacy  so  that  Greneral  Weaver 
might  have  had  the  united  support  of  all  the 
opponents  of  the  republican  ticket,  he  might 
have  been  prevailed  upon  to  make  the  race.  But 
Barnett  would  not  do  it.  A  nomination  for  con- 
gress, although  coming  from  nowhere  and  rep- 
resenting no  party  nor  no  organization,  being 
simply  the  act  of  sixteen  independent  men 
meeting  in  Des  Moines,  was  a  big  thing  for 
him,  and  he  was  as  proud  of  it  as  a  boy  with  a 
new  toy. '  ^ 

The  result,  declared  the  writer,  *  ^  will  prove  a 
grievous  disappointment  to  the  people  of  the 
district.      They   would   have    elected    General 


304  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Weaver  to  congress.  From  every  county  in  the 
district  there  came  word  of  the  enthusiasm 
among  the  people  for  him.  He  is  the  ablest  and 
truest  representative  of  all  the  people's  inter- 
ests that  could  be  found  in  the  state.  He  is 
known  to  be  incorruptible  and  faithful.  He 
would  be  a  power  in  the  canvass  and  a  host  in 
himself  in  congress.  "^'^-'^ 

The  results  of  the  State  and  Congressional 
elections  in  1890  showed  that  the  estimates  of 
those  who  predicted  success  for  the  opposition 
to  the  Republicans  were  not  unwarranted  if  the 
various  elements  composing  it  could  unite.  As 
it  was  the  Congressional  delegation  stood  six 
Democrats  and  five  Republicans,  a  loss  of  five 
for  the  Republicans,  giving  to  the  Democrats  a 
majority  for  the  only  time  since  the  Civil  War. 
Furthermore,  two  of  of  the  Republican  districts 
were  carried  by  very  close  votes.  Had  Weaver 
been  a  candidate  for  Congress,  he  would  almost 
certainly  have  been  elected,  and  had  he  been  the 
Democratic  and  independent  candidate  for  the 
Senate,  he  might  have  made  a  successful  cam- 
paign which  would  have  added  to  his  already 
great  prestige. 

The  election  of  1890  was  the  first  in  which  the 
new  forces  that  were  to  form  the  Populist  j^artj 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  country.  The 
tidal  wave  of  defeat  that  overwhelmed  the  Re- 
publicans was  due  to  conditions  in  the  West 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  305 

and  South,  particularly  during  the  years  just 
preceding.  Farming  was  unprofitable,  and 
with  the  best  of  management  the  average  farm- 
er in  the  West  could  not  make  both  ends  meet. 
The  situation  was  somewhat  different  in  the 
South,  but  widespread  unrest  there  resulted  in 
the  formation  of  a  political  alliance  between 
the  two  sections.  Suddenly  in  1890  a  combina-. 
tion  of  circumstances  produced  the  remarkable 
overturn  of  that  year,  and  the  country  found 
itself  face  to  face  with  a  new  popular  move- 
ment, similar  to  the  Granger  and  Greenback 
agitations,  but  much  stronger  and  destined  to 
have  far-reaching  effects  upon  the  political 
situation. 

In  1890  Iowa  had  only  one  Farmers '  Alliance 
candidate  for  Congress  —  A.  J.  Westfall  who 
received  4658  votes  and  nearly  defeated  the  Re- 
publican candidate  who  won  over  his  Demo- 
cratic opponent  by  only  900  votes.  There  had 
been  a  Farmers'  Alliance  in  Iowa  since  1881, 
but  it  belonged  to  the  so-called  *' Northern  Al- 
liance ' ',  the  activities  of  which,  like  those  of  the 
Grange,  were  non-political  in  character.  Early 
in  1891  steps  were  taken  to  establish  the 
^'Southern  Farmers'  Alliance"  in  Iowa.  The 
chief  differences  between  the  two  alliances  were 
as  to  the  participation  of  their  members  in  poli- 
tics and  the  use  of  some  secret  methods,  such 
as  grips  and  pass-words.    Among  the  persons 

21 


306  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

active  in  the  efforts  to  establish  the  Southern 
Alliance  in  Iowa  were  General  Weaver  and 
J.  E.  Sovereign.  Evidently  the  organization 
wonld  receive  the  support  of  former  Green- 
backers  and  Union  Labor  party  members.^^* 

Early  in  May  seventy-four  ^'leaders  of  vari- 
ous labor  and  farmers'  organizations''  issued 
a  call  for  a  ^^ people's  independent  convention" 
to  meet  at  Des  Moines  on  June  3rd.  The  con- 
vention was  composed  of  425  delegates  from 
sixty  counties,  the  largest  number  coming  from 
the  eighth,  sixth,  eleventh,  and  seventh  Congres- 
sional districts  in  the  order  named.  It  adopted 
the  name  of  *^ People's  Party  of  the  State  of 
Iowa",  and  ratified  and  confirmed  *Hhe  move- 
ment inaugurated  at  the  Cincinnati  conference, 
May  19,  1891,  and  the  wise  and  patriotic  plat- 
form of  principles  there  adopted."  Weaver 
and  Sovereign  were  described  as  in  control  of 
the  convention,  and  the  new  party  was  declared 
to  be  ^^  composed  of  the  same  men  who  years 
ago  started  out  to  reform  the  world  under  the 
Greenback  banner  and  later  as  the  Union  Labor 
party.  "2^^ 

General  Weaver  attended  the  conference  at 
Cincinnati  at  which  the  *^ People's  Party  of  the 
United  States  of  America"  was  formed  on  May 
20, 1891.  He  was  made  a  member  of  the  national 
committee  which  consisted  of  three  men  from 
each   State  —  the   otlier   members   from   Iowa 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  307 

being  M.  L.  Wheat  and  A.  J.  Westfall.  He  also 
presided  at  some  of  the  sessions,  relieving 
Senator  William  Peffer  of  Kansas  who  was 
permanent  chairman.  Senator  Peifer,  Con- 
gressman Jerry  Simpson  of  Kansas,  General 
Weaver,  and  Ignatius  Donnelly  of  Minnesota 
were  mentioned  as  prominent  candidates  of  the 
new  party  for  President  at  the  next  election.^^^ 
It  was  assumed  that  the  party  would  make  an 
independent  nomination  in  1892,  and  its  recent 
record  indicated  that  it  would  prove  a  formid- 
able competitor.  Conceivably  it  might  nominate 
a  candidate  who  might  be  elected;  actually  it 
did  help  to  defeat  the  Eepublican  candidate  and 
reelect  Cleveland. 

There  were  a  number  of  other  preliminary 
meetings  in  the  course  of  the  formation  of  the 
new  Populist  party,  and  General  Weaver  seems 
to  have  attended  all  of  them.  He  was  at  Indian- 
apolis in  November,  1891,  where  the  Supreme 
Council  of  the  Southern  Alliance  was  in  session, 
and  w^as  '*  called  for  and  made  a  speech  on  the 
general  situation,  which  was  received  with 
enthusiasm."  Late  in  January,  1892,  he  was 
present  at  a  Eeform  conference  in  Chicago,  the 
purpose  of  which  was,  according  to  Miss 
Frances  E.  Willard,  who  presided,  ''to  form  a 
union  of  all  the  reform  elements  of  the  coun- 
try." Weaver  w^as  described  as  speaking  ''at 
some  length  favoring  the  plan."    He  was  also 


308  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

made  a  member  of  the  committee  which  was 
appointed  to  present  the  recommendations  of 
the  conference  to  a  larger  gathering,  called  to 
meet  at  St.  Louis  on  February  22,  1892.  The 
recommendations  favored  greenbacks,  de- 
nounced the  saloon,  urged  government  control 
of  railroads,  the  limitation  of  land  ownership, 
and  municipal  suifrage  for  women.^"*"^ 

The  St.  Louis  conference  was  a  very  stormy 
affair.  All  sorts  of  ^4sms''  struggled  for  rec- 
ognition, among  them  prohibition  and  w^oman 
suffrage  as  well  as  the  other  economic  and 
social  reforms  advocated  by  the  successive 
third  or  independent  parties.  Approximately 
seven  hundred  and  fifty  delegates  were  seated, 
representing  a  great  variety  of  organizations, 
while  a  considerable  number  of  minor  associa- 
tions were  excluded.  Prohibition  and  woman 
suffrage  were  the  topics  of  heated  discussion, 
and  a  serious  split  was  threatened  over  the 
question  of  independent  political  action,  to 
which  many  Southern  delegates  were  opposed. 
The  concrete  object  of  the  controversy  was  the 
appointment  of  a  committee  to  act  with  the 
committee  of  the  People's  party  for  the  purpose 
of  calling  a  national  convention  to  nominate 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President. 
The  conference  failed  to  act,  but  a  mass-meet- 
ing of  delegates  held  immediately  after  adjourn- 
ment,   with    General    Weaver    in    the    chair, 


FROM  GREENBACKER  TO  POPULIST  309 

appointed  this  ^^much  talked  of  committee '  \ 
The  delegates  present  at  the  mass-meeting 
acted  without  even  leaving  their  seats  after  the 
adjournment  of  the  conference.  Weaver's 
selection  as  presiding  officer  and  his  willingness 
to  act  indicate  his  attitude  in  regard  to  the  con- 
troversy. He  favored  independent  action 
against  the  old  parties  whenever  there  was 
good  ground  for  such  action,  but  he  was  also 
ready  to  cooperate  with  the  Democrats  if  they 
would  accept  his  program.  He  understood  that 
there  were  times  w^hen  independent  action  was 
to  be  preferred,  and  other  situations  when 
fusion  offered  the  only  hope  of  success.  A 
Eepublican  paper  in  Iowa  once  declared  that  he 
never  made  a  fusion  in  which  he  could  not  dic- 
tate the  terms.^^^ 

Thus  during  the  years  from  1884  to  1892 
Oeneral  Weaver  moved  with  the  political  devel- 
opment of  the  period  from  Greenbacker  to 
Populist.  In  fact  he  was  what  one  writer  de- 
scribed as  a  '^logical"  Populist.  He  joined 
each  of  the  succeeding  minor  parties  because  he 
hoped  that  each  new  one  might  prove  to  be  the 
instrument  by  which  his  convictions  and  prin- 
ciples would  be  advanced.  He  was  moving, 
largely  unconsciously,  toward  a  goal  which  he 
never  reached,  but  which  he  made  a  little  more 
feasible  and  hopeful  for  his  successors. 


XV 

Second  Campaign  foe  the  Peesidency 

1892 

The  formation  of  the  Populist  party  in  1891 
was  followed  by  nominations  for  President  and 
Vice  President  in  1892.  At  the  time  of  its 
organization  several  leading  men  were  men- 
tioned as  receptive  or  willing  candidates,  and 
among  these  was  General  Weaver.  The  others 
were  either  comparatively  new  men,  like  Peffer 
and  Simpson,  swept  into  public  notice  by  the 
overturn  of  1890,  or  like  Donnelly  with  merely 
local  or  literary  reputations.  General  Weaver 
was  the  only  national  figure  who  represented 
the  new  issues  forcefully.  His  reputation  as  a 
public  speaker  and  campaigner,  together  with 
his  notable  service  in  Congress,  had  given  him 
a  unique  position.  Likewise  his  candidacy  in 
1880  for  the  Presidency  helped  to  make  him 
seem  to  be  the  logical  nominee  of  the  new  party. 
Early  in  1892  a  ticket  consisting  of  General 
Weaver  and  L.  L.  Polk  of  North  Carolina  was 
regarded  by  many  of  the  well  informed  as  alto- 
gether probable  and  suitable.  Weaver  would 
represent  the  West  in  the  new  alignment  of 

310 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       311 

forces,  while  Polk,  who  was  the  president  of  the 
Southern  Farmers'  Alliance,  was  identified 
with  the  South  and  its  interests.  Polk's  death 
just  before  the  Omaha  convention  removed  his 
name  from  consideration  and  left  open  the  nom- 
ination for  Vice  President.  The  only  important 
opposition  to  Weaver  came  from  those  who 
hoped  to  induce  some  Republican  leader,  like 
Judge  Gresham,  to  accept  the  nomination  of  the 
new  party. 

One  of  the  earliest  suggestions  of  Weaver  as 
a  candidate  in  1892  came  from  a  Kansas  Con- 
gressman elected  in  1890.  During  a  visit  to 
Washington  in  February,  1891,  he  was  quoted 
as  saying  that  he  did  not  doubt  but  that  the  new 
party  would  have  a  national  ticket  in  the  field. 
^'It  may  be  too  sanguine  to  expect  to  elect  the 
president  at  this  time,  but  w^e  will  try.  Weaver 
of  Iowa,  for  president  and  Polk,  of  North  Caro- 
lina, for  vice  president  are  spoken  of  as  the 
ticket.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  they  will  be  nomi- 
nated. No  one  can  say  what  will  be  the  result. 
It  may  throw  the  election  into  the  house.  "^^^ 

It  was  in  March  that  L.  H.  Weller  in  writing 
to  a  friend  asked :  *^  What  will  be  the  outcome  at 
Omaha?"  He  indicated  his  opposition  to  the 
proposed  ticket  by  adding:  ^^but  what  can  any 
man  do  when  the  tide  sets  strong  in  favor  of 
any  combination  as  it  now  appears  for  Weaver 
and  Polk?"    Weaver  and  Weller  differed  as  to 


312  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  advisability  of  fusion  arrangements  with 
the  Democrats.  Weller  was  much  more  of  an 
extremist  than  Weaver  and  had  less  political 
insight.  He  was  also  jealous  of  Weaver's 
wider  recognition  and  influence.^ ^^ 

In  May,  1892,  The  Review  of  Reviews  pub- 
lished pictures  of  Weaver  and  Polk,  and  in 
April  of  the  same  year  the  Arena  gave  promi- 
nence to  the  same  men  as  leaders  of  the  new 
party.  General  Weaver  had  an  article  in  the 
March  Arena  on  The  Threefold  Contention  of 
Industry. ^^^ 

These  references  show  that  well  in  advance 
of  the  meeting  of  the  nominating  convention  at 
Omaha  there  had  been  developed  a  good  deal  of 
agreement  that  Weaver  and  Polk  would  make  a 
strong  ticket  and  ought  to  be  named  as  the 
standard  bearers  of  the  new  party.  The  only 
serious  opposition  came  from  those  who  tried 
to  induce  Judge  Gresham  to  accept  the  Populist 
nomination. 

Just  before  the  Populist  State  Convention  in 
Iowa  in  June,  General  Weaver  returned  from 
Oregon  and  Washington  where  he  had  taken 
part  in  the  campaign  preceding  the  election  in 
those  States.  In  an  interview  he  described  his 
meetings  in  Oregon  as  ^^ wonderful",  and  said 
that  the  Republicans  were  on  the  run,  and  the 
Democrats  greatly  depressed  by  Governor 
Pennoyer's  defection  to  the  Populists,  as  he 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       313 

was  very  popular  and  was  serving  his  second 
term.  When  asked  about  the  Omaha  and  State 
conventions,  he  replied  that  ^'the  backward 
spring  will  interfere  with  the  attendance  —  you 
see  the  farmers  cannot  come,  but  we  shall  have 
a  goodly  gathering  and  will  select  fifty-two 
delegates  to  the  Omaha  convention.''  He  re- 
fused to  say  whether  he  would  be  a  delegate  at 
large  or  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.-^^ 

At  the  State  convention  General  Weaver  was 
recommended  to  the  national  convention  as  a 
candidate  for  President,  and  delegates  were 
chosen  who  met  after  adjournment  and  selected 
M.  L.  Wheat  to  nominate  General  Weaver.^^^ 

A  large  element  in  the  Omaha  convention,  led 
by  Powderly  and  Hayes  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  hoped  to  induce  Judge  Walter  Q. 
Gresham  to  accept  the  nomination  for  Presi- 
dent. They  consequently  tried  to  postpone 
nominations  until  definite  word  could  be  re- 
ceived from  their  candidate.  Supporters  of 
General  Weaver  were  inclined  to  hasten  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention.  As  a  result  of 
these  efforts,  great  confusion  occurred  and  nom- 
inations were  delayed  until  late  in  the  evening. 

General  Weaver  was  nominated  by  M.  L. 
Wheat,  and  his  nomination  was  seconded  by 
Mrs.  Mary  E.  Lease.  The  balloting  was  a 
^'struggle  between  the  ^new  blood',  represented 
by  Senator  Kyle,  of  South  Dakota,  and  the  ^  old 


314  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

guard'  of  the  Greenbackers  represented  by 
Gen.  Weaver''  who  won  easily  with  nine  hun- 
dred and  ninety-five  votes  to  two  hundred  and 
sixty-five  for  Kyle.^^* 

^^From  the  very  beginning  of  the  roll-call 
Weaver  led  all  his  competitors,  and  so  over- 
whelming was  the  vote  cast  for  him  that  his 
nomination  was  practically  assured  before  the 
ballot  was  half  completed.  The  Weaver  infec- 
tion seemed  to  spread  as  State  after  State  cast 
its  vote  unanimously  for  the  Iowa  man,  the 
Weaver  people  grew  enthusiastic,  and  when  the 
result  was  announced  the  cheering  was  loud  and 
long  continued." 

The  nomination  was  made  unanimous  in  the 
usual  manner  ^Svith  a  hurrah  and  loud  cheer- 
ing, ending  with  calls  for  Weaver.  The  General 
was  not  present,  and  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  escort  him  to  the  hall."  It  was  after  one 
o  'clock  in  the  morning  when  the  nomination  for 
President  was  completed  and  the  cheering 
ceased.  With  little  delay  balloting  for  a  Vice 
Presidential  candidate  began :  it  resulted  in  the 
selection  of  General  James  G.  Field  of  Virginia. 
General  Weaver  and  General  Field  were 
brought  in  and  given  a  most  enthusiastic  recep- 
tion. Each  made  an  address,  and  at  3  A.  M.  the 
convention  adjourned. 

In  his  address  General  Weaver  declared  this 
to  be  ^Hhe  grandest  moment  of  our  civilization. 


JAMES  BAIRO  WEAVER 


guard'    of   the    Urv 
Gen.  Weaver''  who 
dred  and  ninety-five  votes 
sixty-five  for  Kyle.^'' 
**Prom  the  very   ■ 
Weaver  led  all  his 
whelming  was  tl 
noniination  was 
ballot  ;-     '" 
tion  - 


•s    represented    by 

il-    with  nine  hun- 

lundred  and 

I    the  roll-call 

>,  and  so  over- 

>r  Mm  that  his 

ured  before  the 

"^^ave.r  infec- 

r  i^iate  cast 

Iowa  man,  the 

,1c,  and  when  the 

ng  was  loud  and 


'!''/-•<''  '^AM  ^5HifelMmous  in  the 
^^'.*ih'^ml'roud  cheer- 
:i\    The  General 
0  was  appointed 
was  after  one 
nomination  for 
i  vvbiiiKMi\    vva-  1    the    cheering 

ceased.    With  lii  ting  for  a  Vice 

Presidential  candidate  h  i  resulted  in  the 

selection  of  General  James  (i.  Field  of  Virginia. 
General  Weaver  and  General  Field  were 
brought  in  and  given  a  most  enthusiastic  recep- 
tion. Each  rdade  an  address,  and  af  3  A.  M.  the 
convention  a^ 

In  his  add  v  .  . ,  eaver  declared  this 

1^,'  be  ^Hhe  <?i  nent  of  our  civilization. 


JAMES    BAIRD    WEAVER 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        315 

It  is  rallying  the  best  hearts  and  heads  of  the 
Nation  around  the  great  contention  of  modern 
times  —  the  great  land  problem,  the  great  cur- 
rency or  financial  problem,  and  the  great  and 
overshadowing  problem  of  transportation. 
These  are  the  centres  around  which  this  great 
movement  is  rallying.  You  are  right,  and  you 
will  be  triumphant  as  certain  as  we  are  assem- 
bled in  this  hall.  Your  faith  and  your  work  will 
conquer. 

^  ^  This  is  no  longer  a  country  governed  by  the 
people,  and  it  is  the  great  duty  to-day  devolving 
upon  the  party  which  you  represent  to  rescue 
the  Government  from  the  grasp  of  Federal 
monopolies  and  restore  it  to  the  great  common 
people  to  whom  it  belongs.  I  wish  to  thank  you 
for  the  distinguished  honor  that  you  have  con- 
ferred upon  me,  and  to  promise  you  that,  in  so 
far  as  it  shall  be  within  my  power,  your  stand- 
ard shall  not  be  trailed  in  the  dust  or  lowered 
during  this  campaign.  And  I  wish  to  make  you 
here  and  now  a  promise  that  if  God  spares  me 
and  gives  me  strength,  I  shall  visit  every  State 
in  the  Union  and  carry  the  banner  of  the  people 
into  the  enemy's  camp."^^^ 

The  Eastern  press  minimized  or  ridiculed  the 
nomination  of  Weaver,  as  it  did  that  of  Bryan 
in  1896;  but  competent  observers  in  the  West 
recognized  its  importance  and  strength.  The 
Clinton  Age  described  his  nomination  as   of 


316  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

greater  significance  than  any  third  party  nomi- 
nation ''since  the  birth  of  the  republican 
party",  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  ''the 
republican  party  would  be  injured  far  worse 
than  the  democratic  party. ' '  The  editor  of  this 
paper  showed  his  political  acumen  by  predicting 
the  election  of  the  Democratic  candidates,  al- 
though his  political  sympathies  probably  helped 
him  to  this  decision  since  he  was  a  Democrat.^^^ 

In  another  opinion  relative  to  the  nomination 
it  was  pointed  out  that  General  Weaver  repre- 
sented "the  Western  and  Southern  view  of  the 
political  situation.  His  election  would  mean 
prosperity  to  these  two  sections  without  impair- 
ment to  the  East.  Able,  earnest  and  fearless 
.  .  .  .  He  takes  the  field  against  the  com- 
bined forces  of  the  two  old  parties,  at  a  time 
when  their  determination  to  strangle  the  last 
breath  of  liberal  sentiment  and  the  last  throb 
of  patriotism  out  of  the  minds  of  American 
citizenship,  is  demonstrated  by  their  own  decla- 
rations. Patriot,  statesman  and  orator,  he  is 
the  strongest  man  who  could  possibly  have 
been  nominated,  and  will  go  on  to  victory,  and 
the  Presidency  because  he  is  the  standard- 
bearer  of  justice,  honesty,  principle  and  liberty, 
which  have  so  long  been  pushed  aside  by  dis- 
honesty, corruption  and  oppression,  "^s? 

A  non-partisan  reception  was  given  to  Gren- 
eral  Weaver  in  Des  Moines  about  the  middle  of 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        317 

July.  Judge  C.  C.  Cole,  a  former  prominent 
Eepublican,  presided,  and  ' '  spoke  for  nearly  an 
hour  upon  political  topics  and  the  record  and 
character  of  General  Weaver".  He  described 
the  meeting  at  Omaha  as  ^'a  most  remarkable 
convention'',  and  expressed  appreciation  of  the 
honor  conferred  upon  Des  Moines  by  the  choice 
of  one  of  its  citizens.  After  a  number  of  other 
speakers  had  addressed  the  gathering.  General 
Weaver  was  introduced:  he  thanked  them  for 
the  ' '  demonstration ' '  and  for  the  ^  ^  kind  things ' ' 
that  had  been  said  of  him,  observing  that  ^^men 
are  secondary  considerations.  A  score  of  years 
hence  your  children  will  gather  in  meetings  of 
this  kind,  and  perhaps  under  better  auspices. 
Men  will  pass  away,  but  principles  are  eter- 
nal    .... 

^^The  new  movement  proposes  to  take  care  of 
the  men  and  women  of  the  country  and  not  of 
the  corporations.  This  movement  is  a  protest 
against  corporate  aggression.  It  is  a  declara- 
tion of  purpose  to  entirely  obliterate  sectional 
prejudice.  It  is  a  declaration  that  we  will  not 
tolerate  any  foreign  interference  with  our  finan- 
cial system.  Another  principle  is  that  working- 
men  have  a  right  to  organize  to  advance  self- 
interest.  This  is  to  be  an  exciting  campaign. 
Let  us  not  be  carried  away  by  passion.  Let  us 
approach  the  ballot  box  reverentially.  In  the 
distribution  of  favors  of  the  government  we  be- 


318  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

lieve  that  those  who  stand  nearest  to  the  earth 
should  be  the  first  partakers.  We  make  no  war 
on  property  rights.  We  simply  lay  deep  the 
principle  that  those  who  produce  property 
should  use  it.  The  problem  of  the  present  is 
resolvable  into  three  great  questions  —  the  land 
question,  the  money  question  and  the  labor 
question  and  they  are  now  completely  controlled 
by  monopoly. 

^^The  whole  movement  can  be  summed  up  in 
one  sentence:^ Equal  rights  for  all  and  special 
privileges  to  none.^  It  is  simply  a  battle  for 
liberty.  Having  secured  the  power  we  will 
work  out  the  details. 

^'The  great  bulk  of  men  of  all  parties  are 
honest.  That  is  as  individuals.  If  you  think 
your  old  party  as  a  party  is  honestly  trying  in 
the  right  direction  to  remedy  present  evils  cast 
your  ballot  for  them.  If  you  think  our  party  is 
the  one  that  is  honestly  striving  in  the  right 
direction  cast  your  vote  with  us.  This  is  an 
educational  campaign.  We  must  resort  to  argu- 
ment. The  reason  the  principles,  the  same  ones 
contained  in  the  Omaha  platform,  have  not  made 
faster  growth  in  Iowa  is  that  our  enemies  have 
had  control  of  the  press. ''^^^ 

One  of  the  first  speeches  of  the  campaign  was 
made  by  General  Weaver  on  July  20th  at  Vin- 
cennes,  Indiana,  where  he  spoke  for  two  hours 
on  finance,  land,  and  transportation.     He  said 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       319 

that  lie  was  ^^  standing  with  both  feet  upon  the 
Omaha  platform. ' '  He  paid  high  tribute  to  and 
expressed  great  admiration  for  Judge  Gresham. 
One  of  the  subjects  to  which  he  gave  consider- 
able attention  was  the  then  recent  industrial 
struggle  at  Homestead,  where  a  battle  between 
an  armed  Pinkerton  force  and  striking  work- 
men resulted  in  a  considerable  loss  of  life.  At 
the  close  of  the  speech  a  collection  was  called 
for  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  national  organ- 
ization, and  a  ^^  bushel  basket  was  set  out  to 
receive  the  silver  dollars  that  rained  into  it  from 
all  directions  until  it  was  half  full.*'^^^ 

General  Weaver's  first  long  tour  was  through 
the  West.  He  began  at  Denver  on  July  26th  and 
remained  in  Colorado  eight  days,  visiting  nearly 
all  the  principal  centers  of  population.  From 
Colorado  he  went  to  Nevada,  where  he  touched 
all  the  chief  points  in  the  State,  holding  a  night 
meeting  at  Eeno  which  was  addressed  by  Sen- 
ator Stewart  and  other  State  leaders  in  addition 
to  the  speeches  made  by  Mrs.  Lease  and  General 
Weaver.  They  were  compelled  to  speak  eight 
times  in  one  day,  so  great  was  the  interest  in 
the  campaign. 

From  Nevada  they  went  to  Los  Angeles 
where  the  meeting  numbered  from  7000  to  9000 
persons  assembled  from  all  parts  of  southern 
California.  ^ '  At  this  meeting  began  to  be  mani- 
fest ' ',  according  to  General  Weaver,  ^  ^  the  pecu- 


320  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

liar  psychological  phenomena  which  character- 
ized the  early  Republican  meetings  throughout 
the  country  in  1860."  The  people  were  deeply 
in  earnest,  and  their  devotion  to  the  cause  was 
of  a  religious  nature.  Their  convictions  of 
right  and  justice  had  been  awakened,  and  they 
were  ready  to  make  any  sacrifice  necessary  to 
secure  victory.  From  Los  Angeles  they  went 
to  Fresno,  where  they  met  fully  6000  people  in 
the  open-air. 

On  the  following  day  they  were  at  Oakland, 
where  they  addressed  an  audience  of  4000  to 
5000  in  the  afternoon,  and  at  night  they  spoke 
in  Mechanics '  Pavilion  at  San  Francisco.  Here 
the  seating  capacity  of  12,000  was  crowded  to 
its  utmost  limit.  The  next  night  they  were  at 
Sacramento,  where  they  had  the  largest  audi- 
ence that  had  assembled  in  that  city  for  many 
years. 

General  Weaver  and  his  party,  which  con- 
sisted of  Mrs.  Weaver,  Mrs.  Lease,  and  three 
others,  next  went  to  Portland,  Oregon,  where 
two  meetings  were  held,  ''one  in  the  afternoon 
composed  of  farmers  about  3,000  strong,  and 
another  at  night,  which  could  only  be  counted 
by  acres".  From  Portland  they  went  to  Ta- 
coma  where  they  expected  simply  to  meet  a  few 
friends,  but  instead  were  greeted  by  a  crowd  of 
5000  people.  At  Seattle  they  were  met  by  ' '  an 
innumerable    crowd    of    enthusiastic    people, 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        321 

wliicli  filled  the  piazza  and  the  streets  leading 
to  it  to  an  extent  that  made  it  almost  dangerous 
to  alight  from  the  cars.  It  was  with  great  diffi- 
culty that  we  reached  our  carriages  and  were 
finally  driven  to  the  place  of  speaking.  Two 
meetings  were  held  at  the  same  time,  one  ad- 
dressed by  Mrs.  Lease  and  one  by  myself 
[Weaver].  After  each  had  spoken  an  hour,  we 
alternated  so  as  to  reach  all  the  people.  We 
called  it  exchanging  pulpits,  and  this  had  to  be 
done  almost  every  day. ' ' 

From  Seattle  they  proceeded  to  Spokane 
where  they  had  a  very  successful  meeting. 
From  there  they  went  to  Helena  and  Butte. 
They  held  three  meetings  in  Butte,  one  in  the 
afternoon  and  two  at  night.  ''The  meeting  in 
the  opera  house  was  crowded  to  suffocation, 
and  the  meeting  out  of  doors  covered  about  two 
acres,  solidly  packed  with  people.  We  each 
spoke  an  hour  and  exchanged  audiences,  and 
spoke  again  for  fully  an  hour.  From  Butte  we 
proceeded  to  Cheyenne,  stopping  for  short 
speeches  at  railroad  stations  through  Idaho  and 
Wyoming.  The  Cheyenne  meeting  was  the 
largest  ever  held  in  Wyoming,  and  was  charac- 
terized by  the  usual  enthusiasm  which  had  been 
met  with  all  along  the  line.  Everywhere  the 
people  gathered  at  the  depot  and  cheered  us  on 
our  way.  They  covered  us  with  floral  tributes 
and  crowded  our  cars  with  refreshments,  and 

22 


322  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

manifested  tlieir  approval  of  our  mission  in 
every  possible  way.  You  may  set  down  the 
whole  group  visited,  consisting  of  eight  states, 
as  absolutely  certain  for  the  People's  party 
national  ticket.'' 

General  Weaver  expressed  his  approval  of 
the  work  of  Mrs.  Lease  in  the  highest  terms. 
She  spoke  every  day,  and  as  often  as  he  did 
himself.  He  described  her  as  ^'an  orator  of 
marvellous  power  and  a  phenomenal  psycho- 
logical force."  Her  hold  upon  the  laboring 
people  was  something  wonderful.  They  almost 
worshipped  her  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 
the  other. 

The  general  plan  of  campaign  was  for  Gen- 
eral Weaver  to  proceed  next  to  Missouri,  and 
then  to  Arkansas  where  he  would  remain  until 
September.  Mrs.  Weaver  and  Mrs.  Lease 
would  join  him,  and  they  would  travel  through 
Texas,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Georgia,  Ten- 
nessee, the  Carolinas,  Virginia,  and  West  Vir- 
ginia, reserving  the  last  twenty-five  days  of  the 
campaign  for  Iowa  and  the  Northwest.^^^ 

The  Southern  tour  was  marked  by  some  un- 
pleasant experiences;  indeed,  a  part  of  it  had 
to  be  given  up.  General  Weaver  went  from 
Missouri  to  Arkansas  where  he  had  an  enthusi- 
astic reception.  Late  in  August  he  had  a  very 
successful  meeting  at  Beebe  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  State.     The  audience  which  num- 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        323 

bered  over  5000  persons,  consisted  almost  en- 
tirely of  farmers,  many  of  whom  came  from 
twenty  to  thirty  miles  to  hear  him:  they  came 
in  wagons  and  on  horseback,  and  occupied  every 
available  spot  near  the  town  with  their  camps. 
Weaver  spoke  for  two  hours,  ^darraigning  the 
old  parties  for  their  sins  of  omission  and  com- 
mission, and  predicted  that  the  pending  move- 
ment would  never  cease  till  plutocracy  was 
overthrown  and  the  shackles  stricken  from  the 
limbs  of  the  agricultural  class  and  industries 
generally."  He  was  followed  by  '^Cyclone" 
Davis  of  Texas,  who  aroused  the  greatest  en- 
thusiasm by  his  burning  words.^^^ 

From  Pensacola,  Florida,  addresses  were 
issued  by  Weaver  and  Field  in  which  they 
formally  accepted  their  nominations.  They  re- 
ferred to  the  request  made  by  the  national  com- 
mittee '^to  visit  the  various  states  of  the 
Union."  Already  one  or  both  of  them  had 
visited  fifteen  States ;  and  if  health  and  strength 
were  spared  to  them  they  intended  to  continue 
the  w^ork  until  the  campaign  ended.  General 
Weaver  had  followed  a  similar  plan  of  cam- 
paign in  1880;  and  it  was  as  much  because  of 
his  own  inclination  in  the  matter  as  because  of 
the  request  of  the  committee  that  he  made  such 
a  thorough  canvass.  The  campaign  of  1892  un- 
doubtedly suggested  the  remarkable  tour  of 
Mr.  Bryan  in  1896,  the  first  of  the  kind  to  im- 


324  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

press  itself  upon  the  country  and  to  set  a  new 
standard  for  presidential  candidates.  But  such 
a  method  proves  almost  too  strenuous  for  polit- 
ical leaders  who  are  not  such  vigorous  and 
effective  speakers  as  Weaver  and  Bryan,  and 
who  have  not  been  trained  by  years  of  experi- 
ence upon  the  platform.^^- 

About  a  week  after  the  formal  acceptance 
General  Weaver  addressed  a  letter  to  the  chair- 
man of  the  State  committee  of  the  People's 
party  of  Georgia  in  which  he  announced  the 
abandonment  of  the  campaign  in  that  State. 
He  described  his  experiences  from  the  time  of 
his  entrance  at  the  request  of  the  committee. 
He  found  ^Hhe  spirit  of  rowdyism,  at  some  of 
the  points  within  the  State,  so  great  as  to  ren- 
der it  inadvisable  for  me  to  attempt  to  fill  the 
engagements  at  the  points  not  already 
reached".  He  specified  the  treatment  received 
at  a  number  of  places,  culminating  at  Macon 
where  rotten  eggs  were  thrown,  one  of  which 
struck  Mrs.  Weaver  upon  the  head.  ^^At  At- 
lanta a  similar  crowd  of  rowdies  gathered  at 
the  point  of  meeting,  bent  on  tumult  and  dis- 
order. Learning  of  this  Mrs.  Lease  and  myself 
refused  to  appear  either  in  the  forenoon  or 
evening. ''  Convinced  that  similar  treatment 
awaited  them  at  the  points  not  yet  visited. 
Weaver  declined  to  continue  the  campaign. 

The  members  of  the  Populist  party,  although 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       325 

largely  in  the  majority  in  the  State,  were  un- 
able to  secure  for  them  a  peaceful  and  respect- 
ful hearing.  Weaver  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  disorder  was  almost  exclusively 
confined  to  the  young  roughs  who  infest  the 
towns  and  who  were  incited  to  violence  by  per- 
sons who  kept  in  the  background.  The  country 
people  were  uniformly  respectful  and  anxious 
to  hear.  It  was  especiall}^  worthy  of  note  that 
the  disorderly  conduct  did  not  proceed  from 
the  ex-confederate  soldiers,  who  were  **  manly, 
almost  without  exception,  in  their  conduct,  and 
generally  in  sympathy''.  The  police  force 
seemed  to  make  no  effort  to  preserve  order,  and 
in  some  instances  gave  open  countenance  to  the 
tumult.  He  added  in  conclusion  that  it  was 
'^but  fair  to  say  that  many  good  people  who  are 
not  in  sympathy  with  the  People's  party  openly 
denounce  these  outrages,  but  they  seem  power- 
less to  assert  themselves.  "^^-^ 

Undoubtedly  the  trouble  was  due  to  the  polit- 
ical situation  in  the  South,  which  was  very 
different  from  that  in  the  West.  The  lines  were 
closely  drawn  between  the  Democrats  in  the 
cities  and  the  Populists  in  the  rural  regions. 
The  fight  between  the  two  groups  was  exceed- 
ingly bitter,  and  back  of  the  tense  political  situ- 
ation was  the  race  problem  that  has  kept  the 
South  from  breaking  up  politically  to  the  pres- 
ent day.     Weaver  had  visited  the  South  for 


326  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

many  years,  and  had  never  experienced  any 
difficulty  before;  but  in  1892  he  represented  a 
new  movement  which  threatened  to  break  up 
the  Solid  South.  Hence  the  bitterness  which 
led  to  rowdyism  and  disorder.^^^ 

Except  for  the  unpleasant  experiences  in 
Georgia,  it  seems  that  General  Weaver  and  his 
party  had  a  satisfactory  and  successful  South- 
ern campaign.  He  travelled  through  the  entire 
section  with  the  exception  of  West  Virginia,  and 
found  the  people  accepting  Populist  doctrines 
*'with  avidity  and  turning  from  the  old  parties 
almost  in  armies.''  His  meetings  in  Missis- 
sippi were  ^^ everyone  5,000  strong",  and  in 
Florida  there  was  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  In 
North  and  South  Carolina  their  meetings  were 
^ve  times  as  large  as  those  of  General  Steven- 
son, the  Democratic  candidate  for  Vice  Presi- 
dent :  at,  Raleigh  they  had  at  least  10,000  audi- 
tors and  at  one  other  place  12,000.  The  outlook 
in  the  South  he  regarded  as  '^magnificent''. 
The  majority  of  the  white  people  were  with  the 
Populists,  and  with  a  fair  count  he  was  pretty 
sure  of  success  in  every  Southern  State.  He 
added  that  he  was  determined  to  have  a  fair 
count.^^^ 

The  Southern  tour  closed  at  Pulaski,  Ten- 
nessee, early  in  October.  A  determined  effort 
was  made  to  induce  Weaver  to  cancel  his  visit 
there  because  of  charges  made  against  him  as 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        327 

military  commander  at  that  point  during  1863 
and  1864;  but  he  refused  to  be  deterred  by  the 
threats  of  trouble.  He  left  Nashville  in  the 
morning  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Weaver,  Mrs. 
Lease,  and  two  others.  When  the  train  stopped 
at  the  station  one  hundred  men  on  mules  and 
horses  formed  an  escort  around  his  carriage. 
A  band  led  the  procession  through  the  town, 
and  out  to  the  fair  grounds  a  mile  away  where 
the  speaking  began  at  noon.  The  town  was  full 
of  horsemen  and  men  on  mules,  in  cotton  carts, 
and  in  road  wagons.  There  were  no  weapons  in 
sight.  The  Democratic  leaders  were  working 
vigorously  from  sunrise  to  prevent  trouble. 

After  discussing  party  issues  General  Weaver 
said:  '^I  am  not  and  never  was  afraid  of  any- 
thing on  earth.  They  said  I  would  not  dare  to 
come  here.  Some  of  the  tenderest  memories  of 
my  life  are  here,  memories  of  the  good  people 
with  whom  I  lived  here.  I  was  a  subordinate 
officer,  a  military  Mayor.  I  was  the  guest  of  the 
best  families  here  and  for  the  first  time  I  am 
accused  of  tyranny  w^hile  here.  I  did  make  a 
levy  by  orders  and  gave  a  receipt  for  every  dol- 
lar. Men  do  not  give  receipts  for  property  they 
steal. 

^'I  am  accused  of  extortion,  of  taking  money 
to  release  men  from  prison,  of  selling  passports, 
of  putting  women  out  of  their  homes,  of  abusing 
confederate  soldiers.     I  do  not  care  who  said 


328  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

these  things  or  who  swore  to  them,  they  are 
absolute  falsehoods.  They  are  trying  to  beat 
me  by  fraud  with  the  aid  of  a  campaign  liar, 
but  they  cannot  do  it.  I  have  no  apologies  to 
make  for  doing  my  duty  as  a  Union  soldier,  and 
want  none  from  you  who  wore  the  gray.'' 

This  reply  made  the  Populists  cheer  and  the 
Democrats  wince.  Some  one  tried  to  make  a 
disturbance,  but  he  was  suppressed.  Mrs. 
Lease  closed  the  meeting  with  a  speech.  Then 
the  procession  returned  to  town,  and  moved 
around  the  court  house  square  where  a  Demo- 
cratic meeting  was  in  progress.  The  speaker 
denounced  Weaver,  and  there  were  moments 
when  a  word  or  a  gesture  might  have  brought 
trouble  and  led  to  a  general  battle  in  the  town. 
Before  the  meeting  broke  up  resolutions  were 
offered  describing  Weaver  '^as  a  military  ty- 
rant, a  renegade  legislator,  and  a  scoundrel  as 
a  man.'' 

When  shown  these  resolutions  Weaver  said 
that  ''they  were  adopted  by  a  small  crowd  of 
cowards  and  defamers,  who  refused  to  hear  my 
answer  to  their  charges.  They  were  discom- 
fited and  whipped  on  their  own  ground.  They 
slunk  away  conscious  of  their  crimes. ' '  General 
Weaver  and  his  party  were  then  escorted  to 
their  train  by  four  armed  men  mounted  on 
mules.  Mrs.  Weaver  declared  that  she  had  not 
passed  ''so  anxious  and  awful  a  day  since  the 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       329 

war."  This  experience,  like  those  in  Georgia, 
resulted  from  a  strained  political  situation  to 
which  recollections  of  Civil  War  controversies 
added  local  seriousness.  General  Weaver's 
fearlessness  conquered  the  respect  of  the  ma- 
jority, leaving  only  a  few  who  tried  to  stir  up 
trouble.266 

From  Pulaski  General  Weaver  went  to  St. 
Louis  where  the  national  headquarters  of  the 
Populist  party  were  located.  After  a  short  rest 
he  spent  the  day  in  consultation  with  chairman 
H.  E.  Taubeneck  of  the  national  committee  upon 
the  exigencies  of  the  campaign.  He  filled  a  few 
appointments  in  Missouri,  and  then  left  to  meet 
engagements  in  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Minne- 
sota, South  Dakota,  Nebraska,  and  Kansas.  He 
expected  to  conduct  an  energetic  campaign  up 
to  the  day  of  election.  Of  the  West  he  believed 
the  Populists  were  reasonably  certain;  and 
while  he  made  no  claims  —  not  thinking  it  to  be 
good  politics  —  he  asserted  that  the  new  party 
was  quite  strong  in  the  East.  The  old  parties 
represented  the  bitterness  and  cruelties  of  the 
past  and  must  give  way  to  the  new  order  of 
things  .^^"^ 

Soon  after  the  close  of  General  Weaver's 
campaign  in  the  South,  Murat  Halstead  came 
out  in  an  article  in  the  Cincinnati  Inquirer,  com- 
menting upon  the  treatment  which  he,  as  an  old 
soldier,  had  received,  saying  that  he  could  per- 


330  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

form  a  great  service  by  withdrawing  his  can- 
didacy and  denouncing  the  South.  Such  action 
would,  of  course,  result  in  advantage  to  the  Ee- 
publican  party. 

About  the  same  time  General  Weaver  also 
received  a  long  letter  from  Albion  W.  Tourgee, 
the  novelist,  containing  a  similar  request.  This 
letter  suggested  that  if  he  remained  in  the  tield 
as  a  candidate  ^Hhe  election  of  Grover  Cleve- 
land, with  the  'solid  South',  as  his  controlling 
force''  was  '^ possible,  perhaps  probable.  Every 
vote  for  you  increases  this  probability.  That 
fact  at  this  time,  means  the  permanent  estab- 
lishment and  entrenchment  in  the  most  impreg- 
nable legal  forms,  of  that  Southern  spirit  of 
intolerance  and  determination  to  rule  or  ruin, 
of  which  you  and  I  have  in  our  own  persons  had 
more  than  one  exemplification."  Mr.  Tourgee 
then  raised  the  question  whether  General 
Weaver  could  ''not  by  withdrawing  about  Nov. 
1st,  assigning  as  a  reason  your  deep  conviction 
of  the  need  of  concentrating  the  active  senti- 
ment of  the  country  on  this  subject,  do  a  service 
to  the  country  greater  than  you  have  ever  done 
before  or  will  ever  have  an  opportunity  to  do 
again!"  Furthermore,  he  asked  if  his  "per- 
sonal and  political  interests"  would  not  be  "en- 
hanced thereby!"  He  pointed  out  that  General 
Weaver  had  "always  been  credited  by  Repub- 
licans with  a  very  strong  sense  of  patriotism. 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        331 

Even  when  farthest  estranged,  they  have  con- 
ceded that.  Your  honesty  of  motive  and  high 
impulse  have  been  admitted  under  circum- 
stances that  are  rather  surprising. 

*^  Should  you  take  this  course,  the  whole  Ke- 
publican  party,  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Populist 
party  at  the  North  and  a  good  many  at  the 
South,  with  a  considerable  portion  of  the  Demo- 
crats, will  admit  the  sincerity,  propriety  and 
patriotism  of  your  action.  You  will  compel 
attention  to  this  subject  that  no  other  act  of 
any  other  person  could,  and  no  one  could  charge 
that  it  was  for  any  personal  advantage.  At  the 
same  time,  it  could  not  inure  to  your  detri- 
ment.'^ 

At  one  of  General  Weaver's  meetings  in  the 
South,  at  which  Mrs.  Weaver  was  present,  two 
men  appeared  and  sought  to  interest  him  finan- 
cially in  the  withdrawal  of  his  candidacy.  Of 
course  these  men  were  dismissed  very  promptly. 
Nor  is  there  any  indication  or  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  General  Weaver  gave  serious  consid- 
eration to  Tourgee's  proposal.  All  three 
incidents  make  it  clear  that  his  candidacy  in 
1892  was  regarded  as  of  serious  importance, 
and  that  it  was  thought  likely  to  have  an  impor- 
tant influence  upon  the  results  of  the  election.^^^ 

One  of  the  methods  used  for  raising  funds  to 
carry  on  the  campaign  was  the  sale  of  a  book  by 
General  Weaver  entitled  A  Call  to  Action.    This 


332  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

book  was  published  in  1891  and  embodied  in 
systematic  form  the  principles  and  policies  for 
which  he  had  been  contending  since  1877.  It 
was  sold  for  $1.50  per  copy.  The  preface  states 
that  the  author  ^s  object  in  publishing  the  book 
was  ^^to  call  attention  to  some  of  the  more  seri- 
ous evils  which  now  disturb  the  repose  of  Amer- 
ican society  and  threaten  the  overthrow  of  free 
institutions. 

^'We  are  nearing  a  serious  crisis '^  reads  the 
preface.  ^^If  the  present  strained  relations  be- 
tween wealth  owners  and  wealth  producers  con- 
tinue much  longer  they  will  ripen  into  frightful 
disaster.  This  universal  discontent  must  be 
quickly  interpreted  and  its  causes  removed.  It 
is  the  country's  imperative  Call  to  Action,  and 
can  not  be  longer  disregarded  with  impunity. 

^'The  sovereign  right  to  regulate  commerce 
among  our  magnificent  union  of  States,  and  to 
control  the  instruments  of  commerce,  the  right 
to  issue  the  currency  and  to  determine  the 
money  supply  for  sixty-three  million  people  and 
their  posterity,  have  been  leased  to  associated 
speculators.  The  brightest  lights  of  the  legal 
profession  have  been  lured  from  their  honor- 
able relation  to  the  people  in  the  administration 
of  justice,  and  through  evolution  in  crime  the 
corporation  has  taken  the  place  of  the  pirate; 
and  finally  a  bold  and  aggressive  plutocracy  has 
usurped  the  Government  and  is  using  it  as  a 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       333 

policeman  to  enforce  its  insolent  decrees  .  . 
.  .  The  public  domain  has  been  squandered, 
our  coal  fields  bartered  away,  our  forests  de- 
nuded, our  people  impoverished,  and  we  are 
attempting  to  build  a  prosperous  common- 
wealth among  people  who  are  being  robbed  of 
their  homes  ....  The  corporation  has 
been  placed  above  the  individual  and  an  armed 
body  of  cruel  mercenaries  permitted,  in  times 
of  public  peril,  to  discharge  police  duties  which 
clearly  belong  to  the  State.  Wall  Street  has 
become  the  Western  extension  of  Threadneedle 
and  Lombard  streets,  and  the  wealthy  classes 
of  England  and  America  have  been  brought  into 
touch.     .     .     . 

'^But  the  present  stupendous  uprising  among 
the  industrial  people  of  the  new  world  con- 
founds them.  It  is  the  second  revolt  of  the 
colonies.  It  required  seven  years  for  our 
fathers  to  overthrow  the  outward  manifesta- 
tions of  tyranny  in  colonial  days.  But  our 
weapons  now  are  not  carnal,  but  mighty  to  the 
pulling  down  of  strongholds.  Their  children 
can  vanquish  the  American  and  British  plutoc- 
racy combined  in  a  single  day  —  at  the  ballot- 
box.    They  have  resolved  to  do  it.     .     .     . 

^^We  have  made  no  attack  upon  individuals, 
but  have  confined  our  criticisms  to  evil  systems 
and  baleful  legislation.  We  have  endeavored 
to  be  accurate,  but  claim  no  literary  merit  for 
our  effort.  "269 


334  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

This  book  was  of  course  no  patiently  wrought 
out  study  of  existing  conditions:  it  comprised 
rather  the  substance  of  the  matter  which  Gen- 
eral Weaver  had  been  presenting  upon  the  plat- 
form and  in  Congress  for  many  years.  While 
many  of  his  opinions  about  currency  and  finance 
which  were  impracticable  and  visionary  have 
been  wisely  ignored,  a  careful  and  thoughtful 
examination  of  his  book  shows  an  astonishing 
amount  of  anticipation  of  real  evils  and  abuses 
long  before  they  became  apparent  to  the  coun- 
try at  large.  To  mention  only  a  few  instances 
the  criticism  of  the  Senate  as  influenced  by  cor- 
porations and  made  up  of  the  very  rich  men, 
the  autocratic  power  of  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives,  the  conservation 
movement,  and  the  need  of  a  more  adequate  and 
elastic  currency  and  banking  system  provided 
for  by  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  of  1913  are  all 
anticipated  by  this  pioneer  in  social  politics. 
The  platform  of  1880,  the  Weaver  speeches  in 
Congress,  especially  from  1885  to  1889,  the 
platform  of  1892,  and  A  Call  to  Action,  are  the 
documents  that  paved  the  way  for  Bryan  in 
1896,  for  Roosevelt  from  1901  to  1909,  and 
which  culminated  in  the  Progressive  platform 
of  1912 :  they  are  the  real  foundations  for  much 
of  the  accomplishment  of  the  first  administra- 
tion of  President  Wilson  and  an  important 
element  in  his  reelection  in  1916.    Demands  of 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        335 

the  progressives  of  both  parties  since  1900  have 
been  based  largely  upon  the  demands  of  Weaver 
in  his  campaigns  from  1880  to  1900.  The  elec- 
tion of  1916  resulted  in  the  union  of  the  West 
and  South  —  the  union  that  Weaver  hoped  for 
and  worked  for  in  1892.^'^^ 

At  the  general  election  in  November,  1892, 
Oeneral  Weaver  received  1,027,329  votes  out  of 
a  total  of  12,000,000  —  eight  and  five-tenths  per 
cent  compared  with  forty-six  and  two-tenths 
per  cent  for  the  Democratic  candidates  and 
forty-five  and  one-tenth  per  cent  for  the  Repub- 
lican. Of  the  four  hundred  and  forty-four  elec- 
toral votes  he  received  twenty-two.  For  the 
first  and  only  time  since  1860  a  third  party  can- 
didate had  won  a  place  in  the  electoral  college. 
The  States  that  voted  for  him  were  Colorado 
four  votes,  Idaho  three,  Kansas  ten,  Nevada 
three,  North  Dakota  one,  and  Oregon  one.  The 
Democrats  nominated  no  electors  in  Colorado, 
Idaho,  Kansas,  North  Dakota,  and  Wyoming, 
but  voted  for  the  Populist  candidates.  In  Ne- 
vada they  named  a  ticket,  but  voted  generally 
for  the  Populist  electors.  In  North  Dakota  and 
Minnesota  there  was  partial  fusion;  and  in 
Oregon  the  Democrats  accepted  one  of  the  Pop- 
ulist ^electors.  In  Louisiana  the  Republicans 
and  Populists  fused.  Negotiations  for  fusion 
between  Democrats  and  Populists  in  Iowa 
failed,  because  the  Populists  insisted  that  the 


336  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Democrats  must  indorse  their  electoral  ticket 
in  full.  The  vote  for  Weaver  in  his  home  State 
was  20,595  out  of  a  total  of  443,159,  or  about 
four  and  one-half  per  cent/^"^ 

The  only  section  of  the  country  that  came  up 
to  Weaver's  hopes  and  anticipations  was  the 
Far  West,  especially  the  mining  States  of  Colo- 
rado, Idaho,  and  Nevada,  where  the  production 
of  silver  was  the  chief  industry.  His  enthusi- 
astic campaign  produced  concrete  results  in  the 
electoral  votes  cast  for  him  by  the  States  of 
that  section  —  ten  out  of  the  twenty-two. 

Kansas  was,  of  course,  the  banner  State  of 
Populism  and  gave  him  the  largest  support  of 
any  single  State.  The  economic  conditions  of 
the  farmers  in  Kansas  in  the  early  nineties 
explain  the  strength  of  Populism  there. 

Weaver's  expectation  of  a  large  Populist 
vote  in  the  South  proved  altogether  too  opti- 
mistic, although  Texas,  Alabama,  North  Caro- 
lina, and  Georgia  contributed  over  270,000  to 
the  popular  vote.  The  situation  in  the  South 
was  described  in  a  letter  written  to  Weaver  by 
A.  M.  West  from  Holly  Springs,  Mississippi,  in 
September,  1892.  He  said  that  ''we  [the  Popu- 
lists] have  the  country  vote.  The  democrats 
have  the  town  vote  and  the  Count  and,  I  am  per- 
suaded, will  use  the  same  regardless  of  right  or 
justice  to  perpetuate  democratic  rule  in  this 
state.    The  cunningly  devised  provisions  of  our 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       337 

state  constitution  and  statutory  laws  establishes 
an  absolute  Party  despotism,  in  this  state,  as 
intolerant  and  tyrannical  as  human  ingenuity 
can  make  it,  under  the  supremacy  of  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.  It  is  truly  fearful 
to  contemplate  the  decay  of  patriotism  and 
political  honesty  and  the  all  pervading  corrup- 
tion of  party  leaders.  They  do  not  hesitate  to 
adopt  and  execute  any  methods  to  accomplish 
their  unholy  purposes.  They  are  oblivious  to 
the  sublime  teachings  and  examples  of  the 
founders  of  the  republic.  They  are  unscru- 
pulous in  their  defamation  of  human  character. 
In  their  mad  pursuit  of  power  they  ignore 
social  and  religious  ties  and  make  the  supreme 
rule  of  their  party  the  God  of  their  worship. 
For  these  reasons  we  work,  in  this  state,  with 
no  expectation  that  the  vote,  however  cast,  will 
be  counted  otherwise  than  for  the  democratic 
party.  I  admire  and  honor  you  for  your  heroic 
struggle  in  the  great  work  of  reformation  and 
trust  that  your  efforts  will  ultimately  be 
crowned  with  a  glorious  success.  "^"^^ 

The   States   that  gave   the  largest   popular 
votes  for  General  Weaver  w^ere  the  following: 


Kansas 

163,111    VOTES 

West 

Texas 

99,418  VOTES 

South 

Alabama 

85,181  VOTES 

South 

Nebraska 

83,134  VOTES 

West 

Colorado 

53,584  VOTES 

Far  West 

23 


338 


JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 


North  Carolina 

44,732  VOTES 

South 

Georgia 

42,937  VOTES 

South 

Missouri 

41,213  VOTES 

South 

Minnesota 

29,313  VOTES 

West 

Oregon 

26,965  VOTES 

F. 

YR  West 

South  Dakota 

26,544  VOTES 

West 

California 

25,311  VOTES 

F. 

iR  West 

Of  these  States  five  were  Southern,  four 
Western,  and  three  Far  Western,  indicating 
that  the  Populist  strength  was  widely  distrib- 
uted through  the  West  and  South.  Evidently 
there  were  latent  possibilities  for  the  formation 
of  a  strong  sectional  party.  Weaver's  vision 
foresaw  the  development  of  such  a  party,  as  he 
had  seen  the  Eepublican  party  emerge  in  1854 
and  1856.  What  actually  happened  has  been 
the  permeation,  first  of  the  Democratic  and 
then  of  the  Republican  party  until  American 
politics  have  become  social.  Weaver's  intuition 
was  sound  in  essentials,  although  we  still  await 
the  establishment  of  a  social  democratic  party. 
The  campaign  of  1892  was  merely  the  prologue 
to  that  of  1896  and  1912. 

General  Weaver  published  an  address  to  the 
people  which  was  dated  at  Des  Moines,  Novem- 
ber 16, 1892.  He  pointed  out  to  'Hhe  friends  of 
reform  throughout  the  Union"  that  the  new 
party  *^ unaided  by  money"  had  achieved  '^sur- 
prising success  at  the  polls.  We  are  but  little 
behind  the  Republican  party  in  the  number  of 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        339 

States  carried.  As  a  result  of  the  late  election 
we  will  doubtless  hold  the  balance  of  power,  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  We  have 
doubled  the  number  of  our  adherents  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  secured  control  of  a 
number  of  State  governments,  hold  the  balance 
of  power  in  a  majority  of  the  States  of  the 
Union,  and  have  succeeded  in  arousing  a  spirit 
of  political  independence  among  the  people  of 
the  Northwest  which  cannot  be  disregarded  in 
the  future.     .     .     . 

**The  accession  of  the  other  party  [Demo- 
cratic] to  power  is  the  result  of  violent  reaction 
and  not,  I  am  sure,  of  the  deliberate  judgment 
of  the  American  people.  The  battle  leaders  of 
the  triumphant  party  are  without  any  well- 
defined  policy,  except  that  of  contemptuous  dis- 
regard for  every  element  of  reform  within  the 
ranks  of  their  own  party,  and  among  the  people 
at  large.  The  new  administration  will  ignore 
the  great  contentions  of  modern  times  relating 
to  land,  money  and  transportation,  and  will  not 
attempt  to  solve  either.  In  fact,  the  whole  force 
of  the  new  regime  will  be  exercised  to  prevent 
reform  in  these  important  matters.  The  urgent 
demand  of  the  people  for  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  is  to  be  disdainfully  ignored,  and  new 
obstacles  will,  doubtless,  be  interposed  to 
further  restrict  the  use  of  the  white  metal.  .  .  . 

^'The  issues  pressing  for  solution  are  simply 


340  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

tremendous,  and  the  situation  portentious. 
Our  party  has  not  made  its  advent  too  soon. 
Its  mission  is  to  restore  to  our  government  its 
original  and  only  legitimate  function,  which  has 
been  well  nigh  lost  by  non-use,  that  of  assuring 
to  all  its  citizens  —  the  weak  as  well  as  the 
mighty  —  the  unmolested  enjoyment  of  their 
inalienable  rights.'^  Kef  erring  to  the  relations 
between  labor  and  capital  as  ''now  upon  a  war 
footing '*,  he  declared  that  the  repressive  policy 
''will  not  work  well  in  the  nineteenth  century 
.  .  .  .  It  denies  to  labor  the  right  to  organ- 
ize, relies  upon  the  military  arm  to  sustain 
corporate  pretentions,  and  when  labor  organiza- 
tions defend  themselves  against  armed  mercen- 
aries, it  adjudges  the  members  to  be  guilty  of 
treason.     .     .     . 

"The  violent  political  storm  of  1888  and  1892, 
which  first  swept  the  Democratic  candidate, 
then  the  Republican  party  from  power  in  spite 
of  the  weight  of  patronage  which  they  carried, 
signify  a  turbulent  condition  of  the  political 
atmosphere  which  plainly  foreshadows  an  ap- 
proaching crisis.  It  were  better  that  it  be  not 
hastened  by  the  enactment  of  measures  which 
savor  of  usurpation  and  the  extension  of  class 
privileges. 

"I  sincerely  trust  that  the  work  of  organiza- 
tion and  education  may  now  be  pushed  with 
energy  throughout  all  the  States.    The  field  is 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY       341 

ours  and  we  must  occupy  it  without  delay. '^^"^^ 
At  another  time  he  described  the  Populist 
party  as  ^Hhe  coming  factor  in  national  poli- 
tics, and  its  advent  to  national  supremacy  be- 
fore the  dawn  of  the  twentieth  century  is 
assured.  It  holds  the  key  to  the  political  situa- 
tion in  America,  and  will  battle  again  next  year 
with  the  strength  of  a  young  giant  in  every  state 
in  the  union  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  and 
the  whole  range  of  economic  reforms  now  cry- 
ing for  solution.  The  future  of  free  coinage  of 
silver  is  assured  and  free  coinage  will  follow. 
This  is  the  first  reform  to  be  accomplished,  and 
we  [will]  make  short  work  of  it.''^*^* 

Again  he  spoke  of  the  situation  in  the  United 
States  as  ^^  parallel  to  the  conditions  that  led  to 
the  French  Eevolution.  We  have  our  noblesse 
the  same  as  France,  and,  as  in  the  days  of 
Louis,  the  United  States  has  its  third  estate." 
In  answer  to  the  question  whether  he  thought 
the  third  party  was  increasing  in  strength,  he 
replied  that  he  certainly  did.  ^' There  is  every 
evidence  of  prodigious  growth.  There  will  un- 
doubtedly be  a  rapid  consolidation  of  all  indus- 
trial forces  with  the  great  body  of  business  men 
throughout  the  Union.  The  trades  unions  are 
already  on  the  move  for  political  action,  and 
the  Knights  of  Labor  and  the  various  farmer 
organizations  are  already  so.  The  tendency  is 
unmistakable  everywhere.     I  consider  a  great 


342  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

political  revolution  inevitable.    It  promises  to 
be  both  peaceful  and  conservative.  "^"^^ 

Later,  while  in  New  England  upon  a  lecture 
tour,  General  Weaver  was  interviewed  in  Bos- 
ton. He  looked  ^'the  picture  of  health'',  and 
appeared  '^not  the  least  affected  with  the  large- 
ness of  his  vote  in  the  late  election".  In  reply 
to  questions  upon  the  political  situation,  he 
answered  that  in  his  opinion  the  Eepublican 
party  was  ^^permanently  disabled  in  the  West 
as  was  the  Whig  party  in  1852 ' '.  It  had  ^  *  fallen 
to  pieces  in  the  presence  of  the  overshadowing 
issues  that  have  been  evolved  in  the  last  quarter 
of  a  century's  growth".  The  return  of  the 
Democratic  party  to  power  was  *'a  mere  acci- 
dent", and  ^'not  the  result  of  the  deliberate 
purpose  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States.     .     .     . 

^'The  Eepublican  party  will  rapidly  disinte- 
grate everywhere  —  in  fact  it  is  doing  so  now 
—  and  the  anti-monopoly  elements  in  both  of 
the  old  parties  will  affiliate  with  the  Populists, 
just  as  the  Free  Soil  elements  affiliated  with  the 
Republicans  between  1856  and  1860.     .     .     . 

^'The  old  parties  represent  the  past.  They 
are  like  two  hostile  armies  inspired  with  bitter- 
ness and  stained  with  blood.  The  Populists 
have  a  different  mission,  thank  fortune. 

^^  Their  face  is  turned  toward  the  glorious 
future,  and  they  are  trying  to  introduce  the 


CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENCY        343 

golden  rule  into  politics  and  to  lift  the  people 
to  the  plane  of  the  sermon  on  the  mount.  "^'^^ 

General  Weaver  contributed  to  a  symposium 
devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the  election  re- 
sults in  The  Iowa  State  Register  early  in  De- 
cember, 1892 ;  Hon.  W.  W.  Witmer  represented 
the  Democrats;  and  Hon.  W.  M.  McFarland 
spoke  for  the  Republicans.  The  discussion 
presented  excellently  the  point  of  view  of  the 
three  parties.  General  Weaver's  contribution 
was  given  first  place  and  was  first  in  impor- 
tance. It  was  the  only  one  that  undertook  a 
real  analysis  of  the  situation  and  tried  to  get  at 
fundamentals;  the  others  played  upon  the  sur- 
face of  things  or  repeated  political  platitudes. 
Mr.  Witmer  did  not  mention  the  new  political 
party  represented  by  General  Weaver,  and  Mr. 
McFarland  devoted  two  lines  to  it.^'^'^ 


0 


Q 


XVI 

From  Populist  to  Democrat 

1893-1896 

The  results  of  the  election  of  1892  made  General 
Weaver  a  political  factor  of  considerable  im- 
portance, since  the  rallying  of  over  one  million 
)  voters  to  the  standard  of  the  new  party  in  its 
first  national  campaign  aroused  a  good  deal  of 
apprehension  among  the  leaders  of  the  old 
parties  which  had  been  quite  evenly  balanced  in 
the  recent  presidential  elections.  For  the  time 
being  it  seemed  possible  that  the  Populist  party 
was  at  the  stage  of  development  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  1856,  and  that  it  might  be  about 

^  to  replace  one  of  the  older  parties  as  that  party 

had  replaced  the  Whig  party. 

)  Under  the  disturbed  political  conditions  the 

new  party  was  likely  to  be  earnestly  courted  by 
its  older  competitors.  To  gain  its  support  both 
Democrats  and  Republicans  would  be  ready  to 
make  proposals  and  concessions.  Political  acci- 
dent happened  to  give  the  Democrats  the  first 
opportunity,  and  they  absorbed  most  of  the 
Populist  vote  in  1896.  Weaver's  place  in  the 
alliance  of  Populists  and  Democrats  could  not 

344 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT       345 

but  be  an  important  one  after  he  had  turned 
over  the  million  votes  of  1892  together  with  the 
additions  made  since  that  year. 

Soon  after  the  election  the  Clinton  Age  re- 
ferred to  a  prediction  by  a  Des  Moines  paper 
that  General  Weaver  would  be  the  next  United 
States  Senator  from  Iowa.  The  opinion  was 
based  upon  the  supposition  that  he  would  work 
up  fusions  in  counties  where  the  Populists  held 
the  balance  of  power,  and  that  these  representa- 
tives would  be  the  deciding  factor  in  the  next 
General  Assembly.  If  the  Democrats  continued 
to  vote  for  Populist  candidates,  his  election 
would  be  very  likely  to  result.^"^^  The  union  of 
Democrats  and  Populists,  by  the  former  sup- 
porting the  candidates  of  the  latter,  was  sug- 
gested in  this  statement  instead  of  what  did 
actually  happen  —  the  absorption  of  the  Popu- 
lists by  the  Democrats.  Weaver  was  always 
ready  to  cooperate  w^ith  other  parties  provided 
they  were  willing  to  support  the  principles  in 
which  he  believed.  Immediately  after  the  suc- 
cess of  1892  it  was  easy  to  anticipate  the  growth 
of  the  Populists  by  accessions  from  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Actual  developments  from  1892 
to  1896  turned  the  movement  in  the  opposite 
direction  —  in  any  event  the  more  probable 
course  in  view  of  party  history  in  this  country. 

Weaver's  attitude  towards  fusion  at  this 
time  is  shown  by  his  opinion  of  the  election  of 


346  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

a  free-silver  Democrat  as  Senator  from  Kansas 
by  a  combination  of  Democrats  and  Populists. 
He  thought  ^^that  the  very  best  possible  result 
was  accomplished  ....  Judge  Martin  is 
a  man  of  splendid  character  and  first-class  abil- 
ity. He  has  for  years  been  openly  in  accord 
with  the  doctrines  of  the  People's  party  and 
hence  incurred  the  bitter  opposition  of  the 
machine  Democrats  in  his  own  state  .... 
The  judge  is  a  free  silver  man,  opposed  to  the 
National  banks  and  in  favor  of  an  increase  of 
the  circulating  medium  until  the  volume  is  suf- 
ficient to  place  the  business  of  the  country  on  a 
cash  basis.  I  trust,  however,  he  is  the  last  so- 
called  Democrat  to  be  elected  by  Populists^ 
votes.  ^'^"^^  His  judgment  in  a  concrete  case, 
when  he  was  in  a  most  optimistic  frame  of  mind 
as  to  the  future  of  the  new  party,  makes  it  plain 
that  he  had  not  changed  his  settled  conviction 
as  to  the  value  of  fusion  between  parties  work- 
ing for  the  same  purposes.  Throughout  his 
career  as  an  independent  he  was  ready  to  co- 
operate if  thereby  the  principles  in  which  he 
believed  would  be  advanced. 

During  1893  he  continued  the  campaign  of 
education  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  for 
many  years,  and  which  had  simply  been  en- 
larged and  accentuated  in  1892.  Late  in  Janu- 
ary and  early  in  February  he  made  a  tour  of 
Arizona,  speaking  at  a  number  of  points  and 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT       347 

receiving  the  most  courteous  and  hospitable 
treatment.  He  found  the  people  unanimous  for 
free  silver  and  coming  into  the  Populist  party 
in  large  numbers.  ^^  Since  the  November  elec- 
tion the  Eepublican  party  is  a  thing  of  the  past, 
while  anti-monopoly  free  silver  Democrats  have 
more  sense  than  to  look  to  a  Wall  street  admin- 
istration for  their  cherished  reforms.  "^^^ 

A  letter  written  just  after  his  return  from 
Arizona  described  his  position  and  plans  at  that 
time.  He  was  going  East  for  a  series  of  meet- 
ings, which  were  to  begin  at  Cooper  Union  in 
New  York  City  and  from  there  extend  through 
Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 
Maine,  and  New  Jersey.  It  was  his  '^purpose 
to  represent  the  silver  interests  in  all  these 
meetings  and  start  the  current  of  public  opinion 
in  the  right  direction  in  those  localities.  The 
Silver  Club  is  the  proper  form  of  organization 
as  it  is  comparatively  easy  to  secure  pledges 
from  the  voters  as  ....  in  Colorado,  not 
to  vote  for  any  candidate  for  an  important  office 
who  is  not  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver. 
This  is  the  line  upon  which  the  battle  should  be 
fought.  It  is  the  line  of  the  least  resistance  and 
we  should  hurl  our  forces  against  it  at  every 
point.  I  shall  reach  home  about  the  first  of 
March  and  shall  then  take  up  the  work  of  club 
organizations  which  will  mean  time  be  in  prog- 
ress of  formation  throughout  the  State.''    He 


348  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

referred  to  the  work  in  behalf  of  free  silver 
throughout  the  country  and  expressed  his  will- 
ingness to  cooperate  with  it  at  all  times.^^^ 

During  July  free  silver  meetings  were  held 
in  Des  Moines,  and  among  the  speakers  were 
General  Weaver  and  Congressman  William  J. 
Bryan  of  Nebraska.  These  meetings  were  a 
part  of  the  silver  propaganda  which  had  its 
chief  source  in  the  silver-mining  States  of  the 
Far  West.  There  was  a  national  organization 
known  as  the  American  Bi-metallic  League 
which  was  closely  associated  with  the  Populist 
party.  During  1893  meetings  were  held  at 
Washington  in  February,  at  Chicago  in  August, 
and  at  St.  Louis  in  October.  The  session  at 
Chicago  reported  forty-two  States  and  Terri- 
tories represented  and  eight  hundred  and  ten 
delegates  in  attendance.  Bryan  was  associated 
with  this  agitation,  and  in  connection  with  it  he 
gained  the  experience  that  enabled  him  in  1896 
to  carry  the  Democratic  convention  by  storm 
with  his  ^^ Cross  of  Gold''  speech.  There  was 
widespread  dissatisfaction  among  the  people  of 
the  West  and  South,  due  to  the  economic  condi- 
tions of  the  period,  and  the  free  silver  orators 
were  eagerly  listened  to  when  they  presented 
their  panacea.^^^ 

While  in  Detroit  in  August  it  appears  that 
General  Weaver  was  interviewed  by  a  repre- 
sentative  of  the   Detroit   Free   Press   in   the 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT       349 

course  of  which  he  indicated  his  position  in 
regard  to  the  political  situation  as  it  had  devel- 
oped since  the  election.  Incidentally  he  also 
gave  an  account  of  his  recent  activities.  He 
described  himself  as  '^  engaged  in  visiting  vari- 
ous states,  talking  to  the  people.  I  have  put  in 
thirty  days  in  Kansas,  Missouri,  North  Caro- 
lina, and  New  York.  The  meetings  have  been 
large,  something  like  2,500  to  10,000  every  day. 
A  great  political  revolution  is  pending  among 
the  people  —  the  greatest  I  have  ever  seen. 
The  financial  situation  has  increased  the  public 
interest  in  political  matters.  I  find  that  the 
Kepublican  party  has  been  largely  destroyed  as 
a  factor  in  national  politics  and  the  Democratic 
party  is  badly  crippled  ....  At  present 
the  free  silver  and  anti-monopolist  elements 
and  all  who  believe  that  America  should  have 
an  independent  system  of  finance  are  coming 
together  without  regard  to  party.  There  is  no 
necessity  for  the  two  gold  parties  in  this  coun- 
try ....  The  Republicans  and  Demo- 
crats will  join  hands  during  the  present  session 
to  repeal  the  Sherman  act,  to  destroy  silver  and 
to  establish  the  single  gold  basis.  The  financial 
situation  is  deplorable.  The  country  is  losing 
twice  as  much  money  per  day  by  the  enforced 
idleness  of  our  people  as  it  was  at  any  time 
during  the  late  war.  Autumn  is  almost  here 
and  winter  is  approaching  and  millions  of  our 


350  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

industrious  people  are  without  food  or  employ- 
ment. 

^^The  administration  and  its  advisers  are  as 
oblivious  to  the  situation  as  was  Louis  XVI.  at 
the  beginning  of  the  French  Revolution.  The 
most  fearful  consideration  of  the  whole  affair 
is  that  even  with  best  intentions  it  would  be 
difficult  to  provide  relief  before  winter  sets  in. 
But  no  relief  will  be  provided  by  the  present 
administration.  The  most  that  is  looked  for  is 
the  repeal  of  the  Sherman  act  and  a  few  more 
privileges  granted  to  the  national  banks.  In 
order  to  secure  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman  law 
the  bank  interests  may  conclude  to  let  the  south 
have  a  few^  state  banks  of  issue  and  may  permit 
the  repeal  of  the  ten  per  cent,  tax  on  issue  of 
state  banks.  Rely  upon  it,  everything  will  be 
done  to  enable  the  banks  to  control  the  volume 
of  money  of  the  country. '  ^ 

When  General  Weaver  was  asked  about  the 
future  of  the  Populist  party  in  the  same  inter- 
view he  replied:  ''It  is  the  only  party  that 
polled  votes  in  every  state.  It  is  growing 
prodigiously,  and  is  the  only  party  fighting  for 
an  American  system  of  finance  and  the  increase 
of  our  volume  of  money.  It  is  the  only  party 
making  an  honest  effort  to  shake  the  trusts, 
corporations,  syndicates  and  combines  from  the 
throats  of  the  people.  It  is  impossible  that  an 
industrial    nation    should    disregard    such    an 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT       351 

organization.  They  must  give  it  their  sup- 
port/' 

He  described  the  old  parties  in  Iowa  as  ^'dis- 
organized —  the  Democratic  party  on  the  silver 
question  and  the  Republican  party  also  on  that 
question,  with  the  additional  affliction  of  dis- 
agreement on  the  prohibition  matter,  "^ss 

The  Populist  State  Convention  met  in  Des 
Moines  in  September.  It  was  a  noisy  and  ir- 
regular acting  body,  according  to  The  Iowa 
State  Register,  which  also  declared  that  Gen- 
eral Weaver  controlled  it,  drew  up  the  platform 
and  presented  it.^^^  Undoubtedly  the  platform 
represented  his  views  put  in  concrete  form  for 
campaign  purposes  in  1893.  It  was  devoted  to 
the  money  question  very  largely  as  ''the  one 
overshadowing,  all-absorbing  issue".  The  only 
party  that  voted  "as  a  unit  against  the  tricks 
of  the  millionaires  is  the  People's  party.  There 
are  only  two  parties  to-day  —  the  People 's 
party  and  the  gold  party. ' ' 

Other  resolutions  favored  the  election  of 
President,  Vice  President,  and  United  States 
Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people ;  demand- 
ed the  abolition  of  all  trusts  and  unlawful  com- 
binations in  trade ;  denounced  the  attacks  made 
upon  pensions  "as  a  part  and  parcel  of  the 
monied  conspiracy  which  demands  that  no 
money  shall  pass  from  the  government  to  the 
people  without  first  passing  through  the  toll 


352  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

gates  of  the  banks'^;  and  referred  to  ^^the  utter 
demoralization  of  the  Democratic  and  Repub- 
lican parties  ....  in  their  attitude  toward 
the  liquor  question.  They  are  engaged  in  an 
attempt  to  outbid  one  another  for  the  support 
of  the  saloon  element  in  the  state,  and  are  seek- 
ing to  drown  by  their  cry  for  the  saloon  every 
other  important  consideration  relating  to  the 
public  welfare.  We  demand  that  the  present 
law  shall  remain  until  such  time  as  it  can  be  re- 
placed by  what  is  known  as  State  and  National 
control  with  all  profits  eliminated  —  which  we 
believe  to  be  the  true  method  of  dealing  with 
the  question. ' '  A  final  resolution  urged  '  ^  equal 
political  rights  for  all  adult  citizens  without 
regard  to  sex.^'^^^ 

This  platform  includes  the  chief  items  in 
which  Weaver  w^as  interested  in  those  years, 
and  it  roughly  indicates  the  order  of  their  im- 
portance in  his  opinion.  The  crisis  of  1893  and 
the  struggle  then  going  on  over  the  repeal  of 
the  silver  purchase  clause  of  the  Sherman  Act 
concentrated  popular  attention  upon  the  money 
question  and  drew  the  lines  more  and  more 
closely  between  the  advocates  of  free  coinage 
of  silver  and  those  who  saw  safety  only  in  the 
single  gold  standard. 

The  year  1894  was  one  of  industrial  and  so- 
cial unrest  in  the  United  States,  due  largely  to 
the   prevailing   business   depression    that    fol- 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT       353 

lowed  the  crisis  of  the  preceding  year.  Bodies 
of  men  known  as  ^^Coxey"  or  '' industrial'' 
armies  crossed  the  country  from  the  Pacific 
Coast  to  Washington  during  the  months  from 
March  to  June.  They  were  described  by  one 
writer  as  ^'but  the  byplay  of  the  social  move- 
ment.'' Much  more  serious  were  the  labor  con- 
troversies of  the  year,  reaching  a  climax  in  the 
great  railroad  strike  of  July.  Some  slight  dis- 
turbances occurred  in  Iowa  as  a  result,  but  the 
State  was  not  seriously  involved.  One  of  the 
industrial  armies,  the  so-called  **  Kelly's 
Army",  passed  through  during  April  and  May; 
it  was  in  Des  Moines  from  Sunday,  April  29th, 
to  Wednesday,  May  9th. 

General  Weaver  devoted  almost  his  entire 
time  to  the  army  w^hile  it  was  in  Des  Moines 
and  vicinity.  He  drove  out  to  the  temporary 
camp  near  the  city  on  Sunday  morning  and 
spoke  to  the  men,  who  gave  him  a  cordial  greet- 
ing. He  told  them  that  as  long  as  they  did  not 
violate  any  law  their  *^ marching  petition"  was 
invincible.  He  was  in  full  sympathy  with  the 
objects  of  the  movement  and  so  were  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  in  his  opinion.  He  ad- 
vised them  to  ^^keep  on  and  get  work.  When 
you  get  work  that  is  all  you  want. ' ' 

Monday  night  General  Weaver  addressed  a 
meeting  in  the  interests  of  the  army  at  the 
Trades   Assembly   Hall   at   which   ^* General" 

24 


354  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Kelly,  its  leader,  also  spoke.  The  hall  was  so, 
crowded  that  the  meeting  was  forced  to  adjourn 
to  the  court  house  square.  Among  other  things 
Weaver  urged  appropriations  to  open  the  arid 
lands  of  the  West  so  that  homeless  people  could 
make  homes  for  themselves.  The  next  after- 
noon a  meeting  at  the  Opera  House  was  ad- 
dressed by  Weaver,  Kelly,  and  Sovereign.  On 
Thursday  morning  about  three  hundred  labor- 
ing men  marched  to  the  Capitol  to  ask  the 
Governor  for  transportation  from  the  State. 
General  Weaver  was  described  by  the  Clinton 
Age  as  *^ master  of  ceremonies".  Governor 
Jackson  read  letters  from  the  railroads  refus- 
ing to  carry  the  men  for  less  than  regular  fare, 
but  he  promised  to  lay  the  matter  before  the 
Executive  Council,  and  he  thought  that  funds 
might  be  obtained  to  take  the  army  by  boats  to 
the  Mississippi  Eiver.  This  plan  was  finally 
adopted  and  the  army  started  down  the  Des 
Moines  River.  The  citizens  of  Des  Moines  paid 
the  cost  of  the  boats  and  furnished  one  day's 
provisions.2^^ 

The  Midland  Monthly  for  June,  1894,  con- 
tained a  short  article  by  General  Weaver  under 
the  title  of  The  Commonweal  Crusade,  in  which 
lie  gave  his  opinion  of  the  significance  of  the 
invasion  of  Iowa.  While  General  Weaver  pre- 
sented a  sympathetic  view  of  the  ^^  crusade '^ 
:another  article  in  the  same  number  of  the  maga- 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      355 

zine  disclosed  a  radically  different  attitude. 
General  Weaver  regarded  the  industrial  armies 
as  representative  of  millions  of  hungry,  pov- 
erty-stricken people  working  at  starvation 
wages  without  hope  of  any  improvement  in 
their  condition.  They  were  ^'a  forecast  of  the 
great  conflicts  and  reforms"  which  were  to 
make  *Hhe  closing  years  of  the  nineteenth  and 
the  early  years  of  the  twentieth  centuries  the 
most  important  epoch  which  has  ever  dawned 
upon  Christian  civilization." 

The  lasting  achievements  of  the  American 
and  French  revolutions  were  the  declarations 
of  human  rights  but  these  rights  had  been  made 
merchandise  of  in  the  United  States,  wrote  Gen- 
eral Weaver.  This  was  *^the  prime  cause  and 
origin  of  the  whole  difficulty  in  a  nutshell. ' '  The 
appeal  of  these  armies  was  not  selfish.  They 
protested  against  wrongs  which  had  become 
universal  and  intolerable,  and  the  safety  of 
society  at  large  depended  upon  speedy  and 
proper  adjustment.  The  armies  declared  for 
the  commonweal:  they  represented  the  vast 
excluded  multitude.  ^'They  can  not  till  the 
earth  in  their  own  right,  for  they  have  been 
fenced  out  by  land  monopoly.  They  can  not 
pass  rapidly  to  and  from  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment to  present  their  grievances,  for  they  are 
excluded  from  the  great  highways  by  their  pov- 
erty ....  They  are  denied  the  right  to  labor. 


356  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Employment  cannot  be  found  ....  Their 
written  petitions  are  spurned  with  derision, 
and  when  they  attempt  to  march  in  person  to 
present  their  grievances  they  are  pursued  by 
the  wolf  of  hunger  and  beset  with  armed  militia 
and  the  policeman's  club.     .     .     . 

^^  Every  student  of  our  times  knows  what  they 
want.  They  want  labor,  independence,  homes, 
and  the  ready  money  which  these  indispensable 
factors  will  bring.  Society,  through  state  and 
national  government,  is  abundantly  able  to 
quickly  solve  the  whole  vexed  problem.  If  we 
hesitate,  we  will  pay  the  penalty  at  a  very  early 
day'\287 

In  1894,  as  in  the  preceding  year,  General 
Weaver  took  an  active  part  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Populist  State  convention  —  which  met 
at  Des  Moines  early  in  September.  After  the 
organization  of  the  convention  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  committees.  General  Weaver  was  called 
for  and  made  a  speech  in  which  he  expressed 
his  satisfaction  at  the  presence  of  so  many  per- 
sons devoted  to  the  interests  of  *^our  glorious 
young  party.''  He  criticised  the  Republican 
party  and  pointed  out  that  more  persons  were 
killed  and  wounded  each  year  upon  the  rail- 
roads under  the  interstate  commerce  law  passed 
by  that  party  than  in  the  battle  of  Shiloh.  He 
said  that  was  the  way  the  Eepublicans  pro- 
tected the  workingmen.    He  urged  breadth  and 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      357 

liberality  ^^to  build  up  a  great  party.  You 
can't  have  all  honest  men  in  any  party  —  it 
would  live  forever,  and  no  party  ought  to  live 
more  than  three  terms  of  power.  ^I  am  a  mid- 
dle-of-the-road man,  but  I  don't  propose  to  lie 
down  across  it  so  no  one  can  get  over  me. 
Nothing  grows  in  the  middle  of  the  road'.''^^^ 
He  concluded  by  declaring  that  it  was  possible 
for  the  Populists  to  elect  seven  members  to 
Congress  with  the  aid  of  the  Democrats. 

A  resolution  was  proposed  for  ^^the  adoption 
of  a  comprehensive  amendment  to  the  federal 
constitution,  which  shall  reenact  all  valuable 
portions  of  the  constitution  of  1789  as  subse- 
quently amended  and  incorporate  therein  those 
necessary  reforms  which  are  now  constitution- 
ally impracticable,  including  elective  United 
States  senators,  a  single  term  of  the  presidency, 
determined  by  popular  vote,  an  elective  su- 
preme court  holding  office  for  a  definite  term, 
with  similar  subordinate  courts,  direct  legisla- 
tion by  the  people  through  the  initiative  and 
referendum,  and  such  broad  extensions  of  pop- 
ular rights  as  shall  set  the  people  absolutely 
free  to  govern  themselves  in  their  own  way  and 
to  conduct  in  their  national  or  local  capacity 
such  industries  as  may  be  withdrawn  by  monop- 
oly from  individual  competition,  and  such  other 
enterprises  as  may  meet  the  public  approval  as 
properly   subject   to   popular   conduct."     The 


358  JAMES  BAIKD  WEAVER 

resolution  closed  with  a  call  for  ^^a  mass  con- 
vention of  the  American  people  to  assemble  in 
.  .  .  .  Des  Moines  on  the  first  Monday  in 
December,  1894,  to  consider  the  necessary 
amendment  of  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
land/' 

The  reasons  for  the  proposed  amendment  are 
given  in  the  preamble  in  these  words:  *^We 
share  the  admiration  which  moved  a  great  mod- 
ern statesman  to  declare  our  present  federal 
constitution  the  most  perfect  work  ever  thrown 
off  by  the  human  mind  at  one  time ;  but  we  hold 
that  it  is  now  essentially  a  product  of  a  by-gone 
age,  too. inflexible  for  the  varied  conditions  of 
modern  life,  warped,  blurred  and  burdened  by 
judicial  construction,  and  practically  not  open 
to  amendment  except  as  the  result  of  war  or 
supreme,  universal  and  protracted  effort.'' 

When  this  *^  sweeping  constitution-repealing 
resolution"  was  brought  up  General  Weaver 
characterized  it  as  *^ conservative",  and  he  fa- 
vored its  adoption.  One  of  the  delegates  de- 
scribed it  '^as  a  very  singular  thing",  and 
moved  to  lay  it  on  the  table.  '^The  viva  voce 
was  close,  and  a  standing  vote  was  called  for 
which  laid  the  resolution  on  the  table  by  a  large 
majority.  "^^^ 

The  opinion  entertained  by  General  Weaver 
that  the  Populists  might  elect  seven  members  of 
Congress  in  1894  is  emphasized  by  the  fact  that 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      359 

lie  had  already  been  nominated  for  Congress  in 
the  ninth  district,  although  he  had  been  a  resi- 
dent of  Des  Moines  since  1890.  The  selection 
of  a  non-resident  is  noteworthy,  since  it  exposed 
him  to  criticism  during  the  campaign  and  may 
have  weakened  him  as  a  candidate.  If  elected 
he  planned  to  remove  from  Des  Moines  and  take 
up  his  permanent  residence  in  Council  Bluffs 
but  his  defeat  put  an  end  to  such  a  change.^^^ 
His  nomination  for  Congress  was  probably 
the  result  of  the  growth  of  sentiment  for  the 
free  coinage  of  silver  in  the  West.  The  na- 
tional administration  by  its  course  was  arous- 
ing the  antagonism  of  many  western  Democrats. 
The  friends  of  the  administration,  aided  by 
Federal  office-holders,  maintained  control  of  the 
State  conventions  until  1896 ;  but  in  many  Con- 
gressional districts  the  majority  pronounced  in 
favor  of  free  coinage,  nominating  free  silver 
Democrats,  or  fused  with  the  Populists  and 
endorsed  their  candidates.  There  was  no 
serious  effort  to  bring  about  fusion  upon  the 
State  ticket,  but  fusion  candidates  were  agreed 
upon  in  ^ve  districts  —  the  third,  seventh, 
eighth,  ninth,  and  tenth.  The  movement  that 
was  to  lead  to  national  fusion  in  1896  thus 
began  in  Iowa  two  years  earlier.^^^ 

The  Congressional  convention  met  at  Council 
Bluffs  on  August  8th  and  endorsed  Weaver's 
candidacy  by  a  vote  of  seventy  to  twenty.    He 


360  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

was  described  as  the  choice  of  none  of  the 
Democrats  individually,  but  of  three-fourths  of 
them  collectively.  The  majority  of  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions  reported  in  favor  of  the 
free  coinage  of  silver,  while  a  minority  report 
was  made  by  the  anti-silver  men  who  withdrew 
immediately  thereafter,  claiming  that  the  ma- 
jority report  was  a  packed  affair  and  demand- 
ing another  deal.  There  were  many  threats  of 
the  nomination  of  an  anti-silver  candidate,  but 
nothing  of  the  kind  materialized.  Weaver  un- 
doubtedly represented  the  majority  in  the  dis- 
trict. The  chief  strength  of  the  anti-silver 
forces  was  probably  among  the  Democratic 
office-holders.^^^ 

General  Weaver  had  a  tremendous  fight  on 
his  hands.  The  Eepublicans  put  forth  especial 
efforts  to  save  their  candidate  and  to  defeat 
Weaver,  and  in  addition  he  could  not  count 
upon  the  support  of  the  anti-silver  Democrats. 
Senator  Allison  and  Congressman  Dolliver 
were  sent  into  the  district ;  and  leading  Repub- 
licans, like  McKinley  of  Ohio  and  Reed  of 
Maine,  were  regarded  as  necessary  to  save  the 
day  for  the  Republicans.  Charges  were  also 
made  that  considerable  money  was  used  to 
secure  Weaver  ^s  defeat.  He  devoted  much  of 
his  campaign  to  a  discussion  of  the  free  coinage 
of  silver,  which  he  maintained  would  remedy 
the  need  for  more  money,  and  would  not  pro- 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      361 

duce  the  evils  that  its  opponents  prophesied. 
He  also  urged  the  reduction  of  the  tariff,  gov- 
ernment control  of  railroads,  an  income  tax, 
and  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by 
the  direct  vote  of  the  people.^^^ 

The  election  resulted  in  Weaver's  defeat  by  a 
vote  of  18,817  to  21,874;  but  he  received  a  larger 
vote  than  any  of  the  other  fusion  candidates  for 
Congress.  In  every  county  but  one  in  the  dis- 
trict he  polled  more  votes  than  were  cast  for 
both  the  Democratic  and  Populist  party  tickets, 
using  for  comparative  purposes  the  number  of 
votes  received  by  the  candidates  of  those 
parties  for  Secretary  of  State.  Weaver's  hope 
for  seven  fusion  Congressmen  proved  wide  of 
the  mark  as  the  Republicans  returned  a  solid 
delegation  of  eleven.  The  contest  attracted 
national  attention.  The  Review  of  Reviews 
referred  to  his  defeat  as  a  ^'notable  incident". 
Mr.  Samuel  Gompers  wrote,  expressing  grati- 
fication at  his  nomination  because  of  his  ^^stur- 
diness  in  advocating  reforms  in  the  interest  of 
labor  and  the  masses  generally".  Eugene  V. 
Debs  regretted  his  inability  to  help  him  in  his 
campaign,  and  declared  himself  '4n  hearty 
accord  with  the  People 's  Party  and  wish  it  and 
you,  as  the  veteran  champion  of  all  labor's 
hosts,  the  greatest  measure  of  success.  "^^^ 

After  the  election  General  Weaver  was  inter- 
viewed and  expressed  himself  freely  concerning 


362  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  political  situation  and  the  results  of  the 
contest.  He  remarked  that  he  felt  no  regrets 
about  his  own  defeat,  as  his  vote  was  greater 
than  the  combined  vote  of  the  two  organizations 
which  supported  him.  Many  Republicans  also 
voted  for  him  as  was  shown  by  the  official  count. 
He  lost  the  election  by  only  about  tw^o  thousand 
votes;  whereas  if  the  landslide  had  struck  his 
district  as  hard  as  it  did  other  parts  of  the 
State,  he  would  have  been  defeated  by  ten  thou- 
sand votes.  *^He  was  simply  caught  under  the 
outer  rim  of  a  tremendous  landslide  which  was 
general  throughout  the  country,  but  which  was 
much  heavier  in  other  parts  of  the  republic  than 
it  was  in  the  Ninth  district.  It  was  not  a  per- 
sonal defeat  and  hence  was  easy  to  be  borne.'' 
He  described  the  general  defeat  of  the  Demo- 
crats as  ^^  simply  a  tremendous  cyclone  of  dis- 
content"—  the  result  of  ''idle  labor,  low  prices, 
a  tight  money  market  and  corporate  arro- 
gance.'^  The  Republicans  had  ''not  triumphed 
because  of  any  affirmative  policy  which  they  ex- 
pected to  inaugurate,  but  because  of  a  universal 
discontent  for  which  they  have  not  even  a  pre- 
tended remedy  .  .  -i  .  This  party  in  its 
leadership  and  machinery,  in  every  state  in  the 
nation,  is  a  unit  against  every  reform  now 
pressing  for  solution.  It  is  emphatically  the 
party  of  the  corporations  and  the  gold  power. 
Its  only  purpose  is  to  hold  its  position  and  in 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      363 

the  late  election  it  drew  to  its  support  the  single 
gold  standard  advocates  from  all  quarters  and 
they  will  remain  with  it  permanently.  This  is  a 
wonderful  fact  of  the  widest  possible  signifi- 
cance when  we  come  to  forecast  the  future. 

^^  Everybody  can  see  now  that  the  failure  of 
the  democratic  party  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it 
is  hopelessly  divided  upon  all  the  great  ques- 
tions of  the  day,  while  its  enemy  is  a  unit  .  . 
.  .  and  all  can  now  see  clearly  that  there  is 
neither  call  nor  room  for  two  corporation  and 
gold  standard  parties  in  this  country  .... 
The  advent  of  the  corporate  power  and  that  of 
the  money  kings  took  place  under  republican 
rule  and  all  their  vast  growth  is  due  to  repub- 
lican legislation,  and  the  two  can  never  be  sepa- 
rated ....  Under  great  leadership  the 
democratic  party  should  have  comprehended 
these  things  and  taken  the  field  as  the  champion 
of  the  plain  people. ' ' 

With  his  usual  optimism  General  Weaver 
regarded  the  future  of  the  Populist  party  as 
**  hopeful  and  full  of  promise.  We  have 
emerged  from  the  storm  with  our  vote  largely 
increased  in  every  state  ....  It  is  now 
clear  that  the  populist  party  has  come  to  stay 
and  henceforth  must  be  reckoned  as  a  formid- 
able factor  in  American  politics.  It  is  not  to  be 
judged  by  the  ill-considered  utterances  of  some 
of  its  over-zealous,  radical  and  unbalanced  men. 


364  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

The  republican  party,  in  its  early  days,  flour- 
ished in  spite  of  the  extreme  utterances  of  the 
ultra  men  of  that  time,  and  it  still  retains  a 
measure  of  power  in  spite  of  a  host  of  con- 
cededly  bad  men  who  occupy  very  high  position 
in  its  councils.  All  reform  movements  attract 
to  their  ranks  men  of  radical  and  extreme 
views. 

*^The  new  party  will  be  judged  by  what  it 
promises  to  do.  The  measures  which  it  advo- 
cates are  all  eminently  rational  and  conserva- 
tive. Its  cardinal  doctrines  are :  Free  bimetal- 
ism  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1 ;  the  overthrow  of 
trusts,  monopolies  and  excessive  taxation;  the 
issuance  of  all  money  by  the  government  instead 
of  through  banking  corporations ;  the  election  of 
senators  by  the  people ;  the  control  of  transpor- 
tation facilities  by  whatever  lawful  means  shall 
prove  necessary  to  that  end;  and  a  graduated 
income  tax.  The  American  people  are  in  favor 
of  all  these  reforms  and  will  so  express  them- 
selves when  given  a  fair  opportunity  to  do  so 
.  .  .  .  Before  another  congress  is  chosen, 
the  people  who  favor  the  above  reforms  will 
unite,  and  they  will  choose  a  congress  which 
represents  their  wishes  and  then,  and  not  until 
then,  will  we  get  relief. 

"The  great  duty  of  the  hour  is  a  close  union 
of  all  classes  of  men  who  substantially  believe 
alike,  and  we  can  now  all  see  clearly  the  neces- 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      365 

sity  for  such  a  union  of  forces.  The  times  call 
aloud  for  it  and  now  let  all  good  men  and  wom- 
en work  for  it  with  zeal.'^^^^ 

The  elections  of  1894  represent  the  high- 
water  mark  in  the  electoral  strength  of  the 
Populists.  Compared  with  the  results  in  1892 
there  was  a  gain  of  forty-two  per  cent  —  from 
1,027,329  to  1,471,590  votes.  So  great  a  success 
made  more  inevitable  its  absorption  by  one  of 
the  older  parties  —  the  usual  result  in  the 
United  States.^^^ 

The  year  1895  was  occupied  with  preparation 
for  the  presidential  contest  of  1896.  Free 
coinage  of  silver  was  the  one  great  issue.  The 
control  of  the  Democratic  party  machinery  in 
Iowa  by  the  Federal  administration  through 
Federal  office-holders  led  the  free  silver  Demo- 
crats to  attempt  by  a  preconvention  union  of 
forces  to  assert  themselves  more  effectively 
than  in  the  preceding  year.  Accordingly,  in 
June  silver  conferences  were  held  at  Des 
Moines  in  which  General  Weaver  took  an  active 
part.  These  conferences  were  intended  to  bring 
together  all  the  advocates  of  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  regardless  of  their  party  affiliations.  By 
such  accessions  of  strength  the  free  silver 
Democrats  hoped  to  gain  control  of  the  State 
convention.  The  silver  conferences  were  also  a 
part  of  the  national  propaganda  of  the  silver 
forces  which  had  as  its  object  the  fusion  of  all 


366  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  supporters  of  free  coinage  into  a  compact 
party.  General  Weaver  was  understood  to  be 
one  of  the  leaders  in  the  effort  to  secure  such  a 
union,  and  to  have  the  cooperation  of  such  men 
as  General  A.  J.  Warner  of  Ohio  and  Congress- 
man Bland  of  Missouri.  The  plan  would  bring 
together  the  Populist  party,  the  free  silver 
Democrats,  and  the  silver  organizations  of  the 
country  —  a  result  accomplished  in  1896.^^'^ 

Apparently  General  Weaver  was  inclining 
more  and  more  to  emphasize  the  single  issue  of 
free  coinage  of  silver,  and  to  undertake  to  unite 
those  favoring  such  a  policy  regardless  of  their 
party  relations.  It  was  fusion  in  a  different 
form,  and  it  aroused  the  opposition  of  the  more 
extreme  Populists  who  wished  to  build  up  a 
separate  party  organization. 

Rumors  were  also  current  of  a  secret  plan  of 
the  Populist  leaders  to  fuse  with  the  Democrats 
to  control  the  next  General  Assembly  in  the 
interest  of  General  Weaver  as  a  candidate  for 
the  United  States  Senate  to  succeed  Senator 
Allison,  whose  term  would  expire  in  1897. 
Senator  Gear  had  also  been  seriously  ill,  and 
there  was  a  possibility  of  the  election  of  two 
Senators  in  the  near  future.  Such  an  oppor- 
tunity would  give  an  excellent  chance  for  a  well 
arranged  fusion.  In  August  the  plan  was  said 
to  have  been  under  consideration  for  four 
months  and  had  been  carried  into  the  silver 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT       367 

conferences  and  into  the  Populist  State  Conven- 
tion. The  middle-of-the-road  Populists  opposed 
it,  as  they  did  the  proposal  to  make  silver  the 
only  issue  and  mainly  for  the  same  reasons  — 
because  it  would  endanger  the  continued  exist- 
ence of  their  party.  General  Weaver  was  at 
the  State  convention  and  assisted  in  straighten- 
ing out  the  party  finances. 

Soon  after  he  wrote  the  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor assuring  him  of  his  support  and  stating 
that  reports  printed  in  Chicago  papers  to  the 
contrary  were  *^  absolutely  false.  There  is  but 
one  difference  of  opinion  within  our  party  in 
this  state  or  elsewhere  ....  and  that  re- 
lates to  the  method  of  securing  a  union  of  the 
reform  elements  for  1896,  and  there  is  ample 
time  in  which  to  review  our  present  attitude 
and  for  calm  reflection  between  now  and  the 
convention  of  next  year^'.^^^ 

Early  in  August  the  Democratic  State  Con- 
vention met  at  Marshalltown,  the  State  com- 
mittee and  the  temporary  organization  being  in 
control  of  the  gold  men.  The  first  test  of 
strength  of  the  two  factions  came  over  the  elec- 
tion of  the  permanent  chairman,  and  the  nom- 
inee of  the  State  committee  was  chosen  by  a 
vote  of  six  hundred  and  sixty  to  four  hundred 
and  seventeen.  A  free  coinage  amendment  to 
platform  was  voted  dow^n  by  practically  the 
same  vote.    The  gold  Democrats  proceeded  to 


368  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

complete  the  business  of  the  convention  by  the 
nomination  of  a  gold  man  for  Governor  and  a 
silver  man  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  There 
was  much  dissatisfaction  with  the  conduct  of 
the  convention  because  of  the  presence  and 
prominence  of  Federal  office-holders.  This  dis- 
satisfaction added  to  the  growing  strength  of 
the  silver  faction  in  the  State :  it  helped  to  give 
the  control  of  the  convention  of  1896  to  the  free 
silver  Democrats.  The  union  of  the  silver 
forces  behind  Bryan  in  1896  was  brought  one 
step  nearer.^^^ 

As  the  campaign  of  1896  approached  Weaver 
became  more  and  more  earnest  in  his  advocacy 
of  a  union  of  reform  forces.  He  felt  sure  that 
neither  the  Eepublican  nor  the  Democratic 
party  could  hope  to  poll  a  united  vote  for  their 
tickets  in  1896.  Millions  of  free  silver  Repub- 
licans would  bolt  a  gold  standard  ticket,  while 
about  one-half  of  the  Democrats  favored  free 
silver  at  sixteen  to  one,  the  abolition  of  national 
banks,  and  the  issue  of  legal  tender  paper  cur- 
rency by  the  government.  The  other  half  were 
devoted  to  *'the  gold  standard  and  the  British 
system  of  finance".  These  parties  were  hope- 
lessly divided  and  would  eventually  disappear, 
making  possible  the  formation  of  new  parties. 
*^Just  how  the  union  of  the  reform  element  is 
to  be  effected  is  a  little  difficult  to  forecast.  I 
think,  however,  that  the  ticket  will  be  the  point 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      369 

of  union.  The  populists  will  of  course  hold 
their  national  convention  and  the  country  may 
fairly  hope  for  broad  and  liberal  action  on  their 
part.  .  .  .  This  will  lead  them  to  nominate 
men  like  Mr.  Sibley  of  Pennsylvania  and  Judge 
Caldwell  of  the  United  States  circuit  court. 
The  first  is  of  democratic  antecedents;  the  lat- 
ter a  republican.  These  men  are  of  the  Lincoln 
and  Jackson  type.  .  .  .  Such  a  ticket  would 
likely  unite  all  reform  elements.  The  great 
question  of  the  hour  is  how  to  get  together.  We 
are  past  the  platform  period  and  are  confronted 
with  great  tactical  questions  which  always  pre- 
cede great  cpnflicts  like  that  which  awaits  us  in 

Again,  at  another  time  Weaver  elaborated  his 
reasons  for  urging  a  union  of  reform  forces. 
In  a  private  letter  to  a  friend  he  declared  that 
they  must  secure  at  least  5,500,000  votes  in  addi- 
tion to  the  Populist  vote  of  1892  ^4n  order  to 
stand  any  reasonable  show  of  success. ''  Such 
a  result  could  only  be  accomplished  by  a  policy 
of  ^^ mutual  concessions^'.  He  thought  that 
**the  money  plank  in  all  its  fullness,  and  Sibley 
at  the  head  of  the  ticket,  afford  a  reasonable 
basis  of  union. ' '  He  took  a  cheerful  view  of  the 
political  situation  and  was  confident  that  ^'good 
sense  and  patriotism''  would  ^'finally  triumph 
in  all  the  reform  parties  and  elements  that  sin- 

25 


370  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

cerely  long  for  the  speedy  overthrow  of  the 
British  Gold  Power.  "^^1 

The  union  of  reform  forces  in  1896  was  re- 
garded by  General  Weaver  as  ^  *  an  alliance,  not 
fusion  ....  made  up  of  Populists,  Demo- 
crats and  Republicans.  It  will  first  agree  upon 
a  platform,  then  declare  its  union  perpetual 
until  the  objects  in  view  are  secured.  If  this  is 
done,  they  will,  of  course,  agree  upon  a  ticket 
.  .  .  .  The  formation  of  this  alliance  is  not 
likely  to  be  contingent  upon  the  action  of  the 
Republican  and  Democratic  parties  .... 
the  Republican  slogan  for  1896  is  quite  certain 
to  be  gold  and  national  bank  paper,  sugar- 
coated  with  the  hope  and  promise  of  possible 
international  bimetallism.  Most  of  the  western 
and  middle  States  Democratic  leaders  will  en- 
deavor to  commit  the  remnant  of  their  party  to 
the  same  policy.  Failing,  they  will  flock  with 
meagre  following  to  the  Republicans.  They 
nearly  all  carry  cards  of  admission  now  .... 
The  American  bimetallic  movement,  recently 
inaugurated  at  Washington  ....  suggests 
the  four-pronged  money  question  as  a  basis  for 
union,  unrestricted  gold  and  silver  coinage  at 
the  present  ratio,  without  waiting  for  the  action 
of  any  other  nation;  legal-tender  Government 
paper,  no  banks  of  issue  and  no  bonds.  This 
furnishes  a  platform  wide  enough  for  the  great- 
est civic  struggle  we  have  ever  known. 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      371 

*  *  If  the  kindred  but  now  divided  factions  shall 
have  the  good  judgment  to  accept  and  act  upon 
the  timely  suggestion  —  stripping  themselves 
for  the  time  being  of  everything  else,  no  matter 
how  important  —  they  will  close  the  century 
with  the  grandest  battle  ever  fought  and  crown 
it  with  the  greatest  victory  ever  won  for  com- 
mercial supremacy  and  industrial  freedom.  If 
they  do  not  unite,  the  gold  power  will  march  its 
forces  over  the  field  and  settle  the  whole  ques- 
tion in  its  own  way  without  firing  a  gun  .... 
A  Democratic  or  Republican  uniform  no  longer 
has  any  meaning.  There  may  be  a  silver  man 
or  a  gold  man,  a  bank  man  or  an  anti-bank  man, 
or  a  bond  man  underneath  it  ...  .  This  is 
very  confusing,  and  a  change  is  necessary.  At 
present  the  reform  line  is  good  enough  for 
scouting  purposes,  but  too  lengthy  for  battle 
.  .  .  .  We  must  now  huddle  and  fight  and 
see  to  it  that  the  other  fellows  do  the  run- 

jj^j^g   M302 

A  letter  published  in  the  Farmers^  Tribune, 
Weaver's  own  paper  and  the  State  organ  of  the 
Populist  party,  was  evidently  a  reply  to  Popu- 
list criticism  of  his  insistence  upon  a  union  of 
reform  forces  in  1896,  He  began  by  the  state- 
ment that  he  would  not  **  quarrel  with  any  per- 
son within  the  party,  use  hard  names  or  hurl 
epithets  at  others  who  may  differ  with  me.  Nor 
shall  I  reply  to  those  who  may  assail  me  with 


372  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

such  weapons.  If  we  cannot  treat  each  other 
with  respect  we  certainly  may  not  hope  to  draw 
to  us  those  who  are  not  within  our  ranks.  We 
are  not  making  platforms  now,  but  there  will 
have  to  be  some  expression  of  opinion  if  we  are 
to  have  a  consensus  of  judgment  when  we  meet 
in  convention.  This  requires  time.  By  all 
sensible  men  expressions  of  opinion  are  given 
in  the  nature  of  advice  and  are  intended  simply 
to  be  persuasive  instead  of  authoritative.  What 
are  all  the  letters  you  are  publishing,  and  the 
thousands  of  editorials  of  the  Reform  Press, 
but  expressions  of  opinion  intended  to  act  per- 
suasively upon  the  minds  of  those  who  read 
them?  Has  any  member  of  the  party  lost  his 
right  to  express  an  opinion!  In  my  judgment 
the  great  work  of  our  next  national  convention 
will  be  tactical,  and  relate  to  marshalling  our 
forces  rather  than  to  the  formulation  of  doc- 
trinal matters.  We  know  now  what  we  want. 
The  question  will  be  how  best  can  it  be  secured? 
I  have  nothing  to  conceal  in  this  matter.  View- 
ing the  public  situation  as  it  exists  to-day, 
unless  some  material  changes  shall  occur,  while 
considering  fully  and  unreservedly  the  great 
importance  of  our  other,  planks,  I  shall  favor 
going  before  the  people  in  1896  with  the  money 
question  alone,  unincumbered  with  any  other 
contentions  whatsoever.  Not  on  the  silver  issue 
alone,  but  distinctly  favoring  unrestricted  coin- 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      373 

age  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  and  legal  tender 
government  paper,  with  neither  bonds  nor  banks 
of  issue  ....  Meantime  let  us  keep  our 
guns  trained  upon  the  common  enemy  and  let 
each  other  alone.  Concerning  our  proper  atti- 
tude toward  other  forces  that  may  be  forming 
to  grapple  with  the  money  power,  I  commend 
the  reading  of  Luke  9:  49,  50.  "^^^ 

The  great  event  of  1896  politically  was  the 
adoption  of  free  coinage  of  silver  as  an  issue  by 
the  Democrats  and  their  nomination  of  Bryan 
as  a  candidate.  To  the  country  at  large  these 
events  came  as  surprises;  but  as  a  matter  of 
fact  they  had  been  in  preparation  for  several 
years.  The  large  vote  of  the  Populists  in  1892 
gave  them  encouragement,  while  it  alarmed 
the  older  parties;  but  the  more  experienced 
leaders  like  Weaver  realized  that  to  add  by 
gradual  growth  enough  votes  to  obtain  a  ma- 
jority was  a  difficult  task. 

Furthermore,  the  committal  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  1893  to  the  fight  against  silver 
left  the  free  silver  Democrats  of  the  West  and 
South  in  an  awkward  position,  for  there  was  no 
place  for  two  gold  parties,  and  the  most  of  their 
constituents  were  hostile  to  such  a  course.  The 
Democrats  by  adopting  free  coinage,  and  nomi- 
nating a  candidate  favorable  to  it,  might  hope 
to  concentrate  all  the  elements  opposed  to  gold. 
The  wide-spread  demand  for  silver  in  the  West 


374  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

and  South  made  such  a  course  seem  really  likely 
to  result  successfully.  The  large  vote  for 
Bryan  proved  that  the  judgment  of  those  who 
urged  it  was  by  no  means  entirely  unwarranted 
and  mistaken. 

General  Weaver's  part  in  this  development 
was  iniportant.  As  the  standard  bearer  in  1892 
he  was  the  recognized  leader  of  his  party  and 
exercised  a  large  influence.  He  had  for  some, 
time  been  urging  a  union  of  the  reform  forces. 
The  endorsement  of  the  Democratic  nominees 
would  accomplish  his  purpose.  To  such  a  con- 
clusion, therefore,  he  gave  his  support  in  the 
months  preceding  the  conventions.  Bryan's 
nomination  was  by  no  means  entirely  sponta- 
neous and  due  to  his  dramatic  speech:  it  had 
been  worked  for  and  anticipated  by  some  of  the 
members  of  both  conventions.  Among  these 
workers  General  Weaver  occupied  an  influential 
position. 

The  Populist  State  Convention  met  in  Des 
Moines  in  April  to  nominate  delegates  to  the 
national  convention  to  be  held  in  St.  Louis. 
General  Weaver  was  temporary  chairman  and 
made  one  of  the  principal  addresses.  He  de- 
clared that  he  had  come  two  thousand  miles 
from  Oregon,  where  he  had  been  campaigning, 
to  attend  the  State  convention  and  to  get  it  to 
unite  with  all  the  silver  parties.  They  must  get 
four  and  a  half  million  votes  by  November  to 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      375 

win,  and  if  they  did  not  win  this  year,  the  party 
would  fail.  Evidently  there  was  considerable 
opposition,  for  when  L.  H.  Weller  moved  to 
make  the  temporary  organization  permanent, 
some  one  objected,  although  General  Weaver 
had  just  stated  that  he  would  not  accept  the 
chairmanship  unless  the  action  was  unanimous. 
He  was  also  a  member  of  the  committee  on  reso- 
lutions which  by  a  vote  of  seven  to  three  recom- 
mended that  the  delegates  to  the  national 
convention  *^do  all  in  their  power  to  secure  a 
union  of  all  reform  forces  on  a  common  ticket 
or  a  platform  embodying  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  the  Omaha  platform  and  in  addition 
recommend  the  adoption  of  the  initiative  and 
referendum."  The  minority  report  omitted  all 
reference  to  the  union  of  reform  forces.  A 
motion  was  made  and  carried  by  acclamation 
that  General  Weaver  should  be  one  of  the  dele- 
gates at  large  to  the  national  convention.^^^ 

In  the  national  convention  Senator  William 
V.  Allen  of  Nebraska  and  General  Weaver  were 
the  ^^foremost  advocates''  of  the  nomination  of 
Bryan  by  the  Populists.  Their  opponents  were 
largely  Southern  delegates  who  were  hostile  to 
the  Democracy  as  the  dominant  party  in  their 
section.  There  were  also  some  northern  Popu- 
lists who  feared  that  the  endorsement  of  Bryan 
would  mean  the  disappearance  of  their  party 
as  a  distinct  organization:  the  Iowa  delegation 


376  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

was  divided  upon  this  point.  General  Weaver 
was  chosen  chairman  of  the  delegates  favoring 
Bryan,  and  of  the  ^^ steering  committee"  to 
canvass  delegates  upon  their  arrival  and  to  do 
missionary  work  among  them.  The  results  of 
these  efforts  were  shown  in  the  election  of  Allen 
as  permanent  chairman  by  a  vote  of  758  to  564, 
and  the  appointment  of  Weaver  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  resolutions. 

The  next  conflict  between  the  two  groups 
came  over  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  the 
Vice  Presidency.  Arthur  Sewall  of  Maine, 
Bryan's  running  mate  upon  the  national  ticket, 
was  an  eastern  bank  president,  and  had  been 
known  as  a  free  silver  man  only  about  a  year. 
He  was  a  man  of  wealth  and  a  director  in  rail- 
road and  other  corporations.  His  selection  was 
a  matter  of  political  expediency,  and  was  not 
favorably  regarded  by  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Democrats.  The  Populists  rejected  him  alto- 
gether, and  nominated  in  his  place  Thomas  E. 
Watson  of  Georgia.  After  this  action  Bryan's 
candidacy  was  endorsed  by  a  vote  of  1042  out 
of  about  1300  delegates.^^^  The  nomination  of 
a  separate  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency 
showed  the  existence  of  a  strong  minority  in 
the  party  opposed  to  Weaver's  policy  of  alli- 
ance with  the  Democrats,  and  it  was  this 
minority  that  constituted  the  Populist  party 
after  1896.     The  majority  were  absorbed  into 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      377 

the  Democratic  party,  Allen  and  Weaver  acting 
with  the  Democrats  after  the  campaign  of  that 
year. 

General  Weaver  made  the  chief  nominating 
speech  for  Bryan,  and  in  it  he  gave  his  reasons 
for  such  action  and  explained  its  relation  to  the 
movements  in  which  he  had  been  a  leader  for  so 
many  years.  He  described  the  year  1896  as 
*Hhe  most  critical  period''  in  the  history  of  the 
Populist  party.  He  had  only  ^^two  aspirations 
in  connection  with  that  party.  The  first  is  in- 
corporated with  my  life  work.  It  is  to  preserve 
untarnished  and  unsullied  to  the  American 
people  the  great  principles  that  we  have  con- 
tended for  for  the  last  twenty  years.  My  second 
purpose  is  to  preserve  the  organization  for 
present  and  future  usefulness  in  every  part  of 
this  Union.     .     .     . 

^^For  twenty  years  we  have  been  pleading 
with  the  people  to  espouse  the  sacred  cause 
which  is  at  stake  in  this  campaign.  We  have 
constantly  urged  through  good  and  evil  report 
that  our  principles  were  more  important  than 
party  associations,  were  above  all  considera- 
tions of  private  fortune  or  the  petty  and  fever- 
ish ambitions  of  men.  We  have  thus  far  suited 
our  action  to  our  words.  Through  five  presi- 
dential campaigns,  stretching  from  1876  to 
1892,  you  correctly  estimated  the  purposes  of 
old  party  managers,  and  events  have  sustained 


378  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

every  specification  in  your  indictment  against 
them  ....  To  your  devoted  efforts  is 
largely  due  the  revival  of  economic  learning  in 
this  country,  which  has  enabled  the  Democratic 
party  to  assume  its  present  admirable  attitude. 
Your  work  now  promises  much  to  mankind,  and 
is  about  to  break  forth  in  complete  victory  for 
the  industrial  masses.  Though  oft  repulsed  by 
the  multitude,  whom  we  would  have  liberated, 
though  crucified  in  return  for  our  kindness,  yet 
through  it  all  we  have  steadily  confided  in  the 
righteousness  of  our  cause  and  the  final  good 
sense  of  the  people.  We  still  believe  that  this 
nation  has  a  mission  to  perform  which  bad  men 
will  not  be  permitted  to  destroy,  and  recent 
events  indicate  that  the  nineteenth  century  is 
not,  after  all,  to  close  with  the  friends  of  free- 
dom despondent  in  the  western  hemisphere. 

**This  country  has  recently  witnessed  a  new 
Pentecost,  and  received  another  baptism  of  fire. 
The  recent  convention  at  Chicago  sounded  a 
bugle  call  for  union  which  can  neither  be  mis- 
understood nor  go  unheeded.  In  its  patriotic 
utterances  and  action  it  swept  away  all  middle 
ground,  and  opened  the  road  to  a  formidable 
organic  alliance.  They  not  only  made  union 
possible  —  thank  heaven,  they  have  rendered  it 
inevitable. 

'^From  the  very  beginning  our  organization 
has  made  party  fealty  subordinate  to  principle. 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      379 

We  will  not  here  reverse  ourselves  and  refuse 
to  accept  victory  now  so  easily  within  our 
reach.  We  will  not  refuse  the  proffered  assist- 
ance of  at  least  3,000,000  free  silver  Democrats, 
and  not  less  than  1,000,000  free  silver  Eepub- 
licans,  simply  because  they  have  shown  the 
good  sense  to  come  with  an  organized  army 
fully  equipped  and  manned  for  battle.  Let  them 
have  their  own  divisions  and  army  corps.  The 
field  of  glory  is  open  to  all  competitors  who  are 
fighting  for  the  same  principles.     .     .     . 

^^If  we  would  be  victorious  we  must  make 
common  cause  with  the  heroic  men  who  dom- 
inated the  Chicago  convention.  No  other  course 
is  either  prudent  or  desirable.  We  are  not 
asked  to  abandon  our  party,  nor  would  it  be 
wise  to  do  so.  If  it  is  to  be  preserved  we  will, 
in  my  judgment,  be  compelled  to  take  the  course 
which  I  am  about  to  indicate.  The  silver  Demo- 
crats have  lined  up  as  an  organization.  Now 
let  the  Populists,  free  silver  Eepublicans,  and 
the  American  silver  party  do  likewise.     .     .    . 

**  After  due  consideration,  in  which  I  have 
fully  canvassed  every  possible  phase  of  the  sub- 
ject, I  have  failed  to  find  a  single  good  reason 
to  justify  us  in  placing  a  third  ticket  in  the 
field.  The  exigencies  of  the  hour  imperatively 
demand  that  there  shall  be  but  one.  I  would 
not  endorse  the  distinguished  gentleman  named 
at  Chicago.     I  would  nominate  him  outright, 


380  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

and  make  him  our  own,  and  then  share  justly 
and  rightfully  in  his  election  ....  Take 
this  course,  and  all  opposition  will  practically 
disappear  in  the  Southern  and  Western  states, 
and  we  can  then  turn  our  attention  to  other 
parts  of  the  field.  Take  any  other,  and  you  en- 
danger the  entire  situation  and  strengthen  the 
arm  of  our  common  adversary. 

^^If  you  allow  the  present  happy  juncture  to 
pass,  all  the  heroic  work  of  twenty  years  will  be 
thrown  to  the  winds.  Our  guiding  hand  will 
disappear  in  the  momentous  conflict  just  when 
it  should  be  stretched  forth  to  steady  the  ark  of 
our  covenant.  We  would  prove  to  the  world 
that  we  are  devoid  of  capacity  to  grasp  great 
opportunities,  and  lacking  in  strength  to  grap- 
ple with  prodigious  emergencies.  The  people 
have  a  gallant  champion  in  the  field,  who  is 
leading  a  revolt  against  the  plutocracy  of 
Christendom.  Every  oppressor,  every  pluto- 
crat, in  two  hemispheres  has  turned  his  guns 
upon  him.  The  subsidized  organs  have  openly 
proclaimed  that  he  must  be  crushed  by  any 
means  and  at  whatever  cost.  The  confederated 
monopolies  have  laid  aside  their  parties  and 
their  politics  and  are  marching  in  hot  haste 
against  him.  Let  us  signal  to  him  to  hold  the 
fort  —  that  we  are  coming  —  and  then  hasten 
to  his  relief. '^^^^ 

The  active  part  taken  by  General  Weaver  in 


FROM  POPULIST  TO  DEMOCRAT      381 

the  nomination  of  Bryan  by  the  Populists  made 
him  the  recipient  of  many  attentions  by  the 
Democrats.  At  the  State  convention  of  that 
party  held  at  Ottumwa  in  August,  he  was  named 
as  elector-at-large  with  ex-Governor  Boies  upon 
the  fusion  ticket  of  Democrats  and  Populists. 
After  the  completion  of  the  nominations  he  was 
called  for  and  made  a  speech.  He  said  that 
^Hhere  was  a  political  miracle  being  performed 
.  .  .  .  The  Chicago  convention  was  a  polit- 
ical miracle  and  it  still  continued. ' '  He  rubbed 
it  into  the  Democrats  just  a  little.  He  told 
them  that  the  Populists  had  been  ''fighting  for 
years  for  the  principles  you  incorporate  in 
your  Chicago  platform,  but  there  is  no  jealousy; 
God  bless  you,  we  welcome  you.  Take  the  lead, 
and  if  you  can  plant  the  flag  one  foot  nearer  the 
citadel  of  plutocracy  than  we  did,  do  it,  and  we 
will  help  you."  He  said  there  was  no  distinc- 
tion or  difference  between  Democrats,  Popu- 
lists, and  free-silver  Republicans,  and  the 
convention  cheered  him.  He  prophesied  the 
greatest  victory  since  the  foundation  of  the 
country,  which  would  be  a  victory  of  the  people, 
guided  by  a  divine  hand'\  Then  he  called  for 
three  cheers  and  after  they  were  given  the  con- 
vention adjourned.  He  was  described  as  the 
hero  and  dictator  of  the  convention,  and  as 
dividing  the  honors  with  ex-Governor  Boies. 
Mr.  Bryan  stopped  over  in  Des  Moines  on  his 


382  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

way  to  New  York  to  open  the  campaign.  Here 
he  referred  to  General  Weaver  in  most  eulo- 
gistic terms,  describing  him  in  connection  with 
Boies  as  ^Hhat  other  gallant  man,  who  for 
twenty  years  has  fought  and,  whether  we  have 
agreed  with  him  or  not  on  all  the  things,  there 
is  not  an  honest  man  here  but  must  concede 
that  where  Weaver  fought  he  fought  with  the 
strength  of  a  giant. ''^^"^ 

During  the  same  month  of  August  in  which 
he  was  honored  by  the  State  convention  and  the 
national  standard  bearer  of  the  Democratic 
party,  he  was  also  tendered  a  place  upon  the 
national  Democratic  campaign  committee.  He 
also  accompanied  Mr.  Bryan  upon  parts  of  his 
spectacular  campaign  of  the  country,  which  was 
really  only  an  extension  of  his  own  campaigns 
of  1880  and  1892,  made  possible  by  better  facili- 
ties for  travel  and  more  ample  finances.^^^ 


XVII 

The  Later  Years 

1896-1912 

The  result  of  the  election  of  1896,  though  dis- 
appointing to  General  Weaver  and  those  who 
worked  with  him,  was  still  near  enough  to  vic- 
tory to  give  encouragement  for  another  cam- 
paign along  the  same  lines.  A  contest  lost  by 
only  about  half  a  million  votes  out  of  a  total  of 
over  thirteen  million  was  a  very  close  approach 
to  success  when  all  the  circumstances  are  taken 
into  consideration.  It  is  not  surprising,  there- 
fore, that  a  man  of  Weaver's  optimistic  temper- 
ament should  anticipate  a  victory  in  1900. 
Eepeatedly  between  1896  and  1900,  he  indulged 
in  such  prophecies  and  he  worked  continually 
for  such  an  outcome  during  the  intervening 
years. 

His  description  of  the  political  situation  pre- 
ceding the  Congressional  campaign  of  1898  ex- 
plained his  position  and  gave  reasons  for  it. 
He  believed  that  the  people  were  misled  in  1896 
by  the  promises  of  the  Republicans,  and  that 
they  had  begun  to  understand  the  real  state  of 
affairs  *^  before  the  smoke  of  battle  had  fairly 

383 


384  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

cleared  away. ' '  In  his  opinion  the  victory  was 
won  by  '*  lavish  promises,  reinforced  at  the  crit- 
ical juncture  by  the  corrupt  use  of  money, 
fraud,  and  intimidation.''  He  declared  that 
*Hhe  overwhelming  popular  revolt"  against 
Cleveland  ^^was  not  against  the  person,  but  the 
policy  of  the  administration.  It  was  his  gold 
bonds  and  bank  schemes,  his  attempt  to  retire 
the  greenbacks,  the  revenue  deficits  under  the 
Wilson  tariff  law,  and  his  pro-Spanish-Cuban 
policy."  In  all  essential  respects,  McKinley's 
administration  was  *^an  exact  duplicate  of 
Cleveland's  minus  the  latter 's  backbone."  He 
pointed  out  that  the  *^same  evil  counsellors" 
were  ^^all  powerful",  and  if  there  was  any  dif- 
ference between  the  administrations,  ^^the  trust 
magnates"  were  ^^more  potential"  than  they 
had  been  under  Cleveland. 

Weaver  was  confident  that  ^Hhe  triple  alli- 
ance between  the  Bryan  Democrats,  Populists, 
and  Silver  Republicans"  would  soon  result  in 
^ '  complete  triumph ' ',  and  he  urged  the  strength- 
ening of  this  alliance  in  every  part  of  the 
country  with  the  object  of  gaining  control  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  1898.  The 
contest  in  1898  would  mean  **the  initial  mobili- 
zation" for  1900.  He  hoped  every  member  of 
the  alliance  would  support  ''our  great  leader, 
Bryan  ....  He  is  at  war  with  the  classes 
and  the  common  people  love  him.    His  heart  is 


LATER  YEARS  385 

as  true  as  that  of  Old  Hickory,  and  Ms  head  as 
clear  as  that  of  the  immortal  Jefferson. ''^^^ 

In  1898  General  Weaver  was  again  a  candi- 
date for  Congress  from  the  sixth  district 
against  Lacey  who  had  defeated  him  in  1888. 
He  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot  by  a  vote 
of  fifty  to  forty-seven  in  a  convention  made  up 
of  Democrats,  Populists,  and  free  silver  Repub- 
licans. The  Populists  were  satisfied  with  the 
nomination,  but  at  least  half  the  Democrats 
were  said  to  be  ^ '  sore '  \  The  Populists  believed 
that  he  could  defeat  Lacey,  but  the  Democrats 
were  less  sanguine.  It  was  generally  conceded 
that  he  would  make  the  strongest  possible  cam- 
paign against  the  Eepublican  candidate.  The 
contest  ended  with  Weaver's  defeat  by  a  vote  of 
18,267  to  19,738,  a  plurality  of  1,471  for 
Lacey  .^^^ 

The  references  made  by  General  Weaver  to 
the  *^ pro-Spanish-Cuban  policy''  of  Cleveland, 
as  one  of  the  causes  of  the  popular  revolt 
against  his  administration,  indicated  his  atti- 
tude upon  the  War  with  Spain  in  1898.  He  was 
among  the  first  to  offer  his  services  to  the  gov- 
ernment ;  and  there  is  a  letter  in  his  correspond- 
ence from  Governor  L.  M.  Shaw,  acknowledging 
the  tender  of  his  services  to  the  State  and 
nation  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  Spain. 
Weaver's  letter  was  written  on  March  17th. 
There  is  also  a  letter  from  the  War  Department 

26 


386  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

acknowledging  a  similar  tender  made  in  a  letter 
dated  March  25th.^^^  These  letters  are  note- 
worthy because  of  his  later  position  upon 
imperialism.  The  freeing  of  the  Cubans  from 
Spanish  rule  appealed  to  his  democracy,  while 
the  later  extension  of  American  government 
over  the  Philippines  was  contrary  to  his  ideals. 

While  the  insurrection  under  Aguinaldo  was 
in  progress  General  Weaver  discussed  ^* Impe- 
rialism^' before  a  Des  Moines  audience.  He 
undertook  to  maintain  two  propositions:  (1) 
that  the  position  of  the  national  administration 
in  regard  to  the  Philippine  Islands  was  con- 
trary to  the  law  of  nations;  and  (2)  that  its 
position  was  also  contrary  to  the  spirit  and  the 
letter  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He 
closed  his  address  by  stating  what  he  regarded 
as  the  duty  of  the  United  States  towards  the 
Filipinos.  He  would  ^  invite  Aguinaldo  to  meet 
under  a  palm  tree  somewhere''  to  talk  things 
over,  and  he  would  then  *^tell  him  to  go  back 
and  organize  his  congress  and  take  charge  of 
the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  his  coun- 
try. ' '  Incidentally  in  the  course  of  his  remarks, 
he  referred  to  President  McKinley  as  ^^  worse 
than  a  Spaniard  ".^^^ 

In  December,  1899,  he  wrote  to  The  Des 
Moines  Leader  in  regard  to  an  article  which 
had  appeared  in  that  paper  under  the  title  of 
Militant  Clergymen.     He  declared  that  it  re- 


LATER  YEARS  387 

called  to  Ms  mind  the  conversation  between 
Christ  and  Pilate  just  before  the  crucifixion. 
*  ^  It  was  an  apostacized  church  and  a  prostituted 
imperial  government  that  united  to  blot  out  the 
hope  of  mankind  at  the  crucifixion.  And  it  is 
the  Caesars  and  Pilates  of  to-day,  backed  by  a 
widely  subservient  pulpit,  who  are  crucifying 
the  devoted  Boers  in  the  Transvaal  and  the 
bleeding  Christian  Filipinos  in  the  Orient.  And 
for  what  reason?  Simply  because  they  dared  to 
exercise,  in  their  own  country,  the  love  of  lib- 
erty and  self-government  which  our  common 
Father  has  implanted  in  the  breast  of  every 
human  being  ....  If  there  is  a  man  in 
this  world  who  deserves  the  scorn  of  mankind 
it  is  the  so-called  minister  of  the  gospel  or  the 
so-called  Christian  who  is  in  sympathy  with  the 
bloody  and  merciless  slaughter  now  raging  in 
the  Philippines  and  the  horrible  English  butch- 
ery now  being  committed  in  the  Transvaal  .  . 
,  .  Our  bishops  and  ministers  who  support  the 
wars  of  conquest  now  flagrant  in  Africa  and  the 
Philippines  have  reached  a  point  where  the 
divine  methods  of  conquering  the  world  by  jus- 
tice and  love  are  too  slow  for  them.  Such 
methods  keep  out  of  view  commercial  advan- 
tages. For  the  present  these  gentlemen  seem 
to  prefer  the  policies  of  Caesar  and  Pilate. 
They  could  have  given  the  Galilean  valuable 

pointers    if    they    had    been    present    at    his 
trial.  "^13 


388  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Again  in  May,  1902,  he  protested  against 
some  resolutions  adopted  at  the  G.  A.  R.  en- 
campment ' '  endorsing  the  policy  of  the  admin- 
istration in  the  Philippines  and  covertly  com- 
mitting us  to  an  indorsement  of  the  atrocities 
which  have  been  perpetrated  upon  the  Filipino 
people.  It  is  an  attempt  to  commit  the  old 
soldiers  of  Iowa  to  an  endorsement  of  these 
atrocities  and  the  introduction  of  politics  into 
the  encampment  w^hich  is  wholly  unjustifiable. 
There  are  thousands  of  democrats  belonging  to 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  in  Iowa  who 
do  not  endorse  the  policy  of  the  administration 
in  the  Philippines  and  thousands  of  Republican 
veterans  who  feel  the  same  way.  The  resolu- 
tion was  passed  without  discussion.  I  was  not 
present  or  they  would  undoubtedly  have  heard 
from  me."^^"* 

After  1896  Weaver  described  the  relation  of 
the  Populists  to  the  Bryan  Democrats  and  free 
silver  Republicans  as  a  continuance  of  *'the 
triple  alliance  * '  of  that  year.  In  reality  it  meant 
practically  the  absorption  by  the  Bryan  Democ- 
racy of  the  other  elements.  The  Populists,  who 
opposed  the  nomination  of  Bryan  and  insisted 
upon  the  naming  of  Watson  instead  of  Sewall 
in  1896,  came  to  be  known  as  Middle-of-the- 
Road  Populists,  and  they  were  naturally  op- 
posed to  the  continuance  of  the  alliance.  By 
1900  the  two  wings  or  factions  had  been  devel- 


LATER  YEARS  389 

oped  and  organized  as  fusionists  and  anti- 
fusionists  —  the  latter  having  its  chief  strength 
in  the  South.  Weaver  acted  with  the  regular 
or  fusionist  faction  in  1900. 

Associated  with  him  in  this  wing  of  the  party 
were  Senator  Allen  of  Nebraska,  Senator 
Marion  Butler  of  North  Carolina,  '^Cyclone'' 
Davis  of  Texas,  and  Thomas  M.  Patterson  of 
Colorado.  His  intimate  connection  with  party 
management  is  shown  in  his  correspondence 
during  1900.  A  letter  from  J.  H.  Edmisten, 
chairman  of  the  State  committee  of  the  People's 
Independent  party  of  Nebraska,  urged  a  meet- 
ing of  the  national  committee  at  Lincoln  in 
February,  and  asked  Weaver's  support  for  it 
as  the  best  place  ^Ho  secure  a  large  attendance, 
and  also  have  the  moral  support  of  those  sup- 
porting the  union  of  forces  at  the  point  where 
a  meeting  could  be  held.  In  the  event  of  the 
meeting  being  located  at  Lincoln,  I  shall  call 
our  state  executive  committee  together  and  will 
send  out  invitations  to  200  or  300  of  our  leading 
men  to  be  present  on  that  occasion,  which  I  am 
sure  they  will  do.  This  will  give  us  a  strong 
influence  at  the  time  of  the  meeting.  Of  course 
should  the  meeting  be  located  at  some  other 
point,  we  would  be  unable  to  tell  what  influences 
we  could  surround  it  with.  I  think  it  would  be 
well  for  you  to  write  Mr.  Butler  urging  him  to 
lend  such  influence  as  he  can  for  Lincoln  as  the 


390  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

place  to  hold  the  meeting,  if  you  have  not  al- 
ready written  him. ' '  The  Lincoln  meeting  was 
held  on  February  19th  and  resulted  in  the  com- 
plete separation  of  the  factions.  In  spite  of  the 
predictions  of  the  Nebraska  chairman,  the 
fusionists  were  in  a  minority  at  Lincoln  —  the 
fusionists  had  forty-two,  while  the  anti-fusion- 
ists  had  fifty-seven  delegates.^ ^^ 

S.  B.  Crane,  chairman  of  the  State  committee 
of  the  People 's  party  of  Iowa,  wrote  Weaver  in 
March  in  regard  to  ^^a  speaker  of  national 
reputation  for  an  evening  meeting  after  the 
convention '  \  and  suggested  Allen,  Weaver  ^  ^  or 
some  one  that  could  create  some  inthusiasm 
.  .  .  .  I  would  like  to  go  to  Sioux  Falls  with 
a  strong  delegation  of  inthusiastic  men.*'  In 
April  Senator  Butler  wrote  that  the  Associated 
Press  had  asked  him  to  furnish  them  an  outline 
of  the  remarks  that  he  would  make  in  calling 
the  convention  to  order,  and  also  to  have  the 
temporary  and  permanent  chairmen  do  the  same 
as  soon  as  possible,  as  telegraphic  communica- 
tion with  Sioux  Falls  was  limited  to  two  wires, 
and  they  could  give  more  space  if  they  could 
have  the  matter  in  hand  in  advance  than  if  they 
were  forced  to  get  the  speeches  from  the  con- 
vention. 

'  ^  Of  course  I  cannot  control  who  will  be  per- 
manent Chairman  of  the  Convention,'*  wrote 
Butler,  ^^but  permit  me  to  say  that  there  is  a 


LATER  YEARS  391 

general  consensus  of  opinion  among  those  of 
us  who  are  here  that  you  [Weaver]  ought  to  be 
permanent  Chairman,  therefore  permit  me  to 
suggest  that  you  at  once  prepare  a  synopsis  of 
the  speech  that  you  will  make  as  permanent 
Chairman,  if  you  are  elected.  Or  at  least  pre- 
pare what  you  are  willing  for  them  to  publish  as 
a  report  of  your  speech. ' ' 

A  letter  from  George  H.  Shibley,  dated  May 
2nd,  reminded  Weaver  that  he  was  a  member  of 
a  committee  of  ^ye  on  platform  appointed  at 
Lincoln  in  February,  presumably  to  prepare  a 
preliminary  draft  for  the  Sioux  Falls  conven- 
tion.^ ^^  In  connection  with  this  appointment,  it 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Sioux  Falls  plat- 
form contained  four  planks  vigorously  con- 
demning the  new  imperialistic  tendencies  of  the 
United  States,  and  expressing  sympathy  for  the 
Boers,  while  no  references  to  these  matters 
appeared  in  the  platform  of  the  other  faction. 
We  may  safely  infer  that  Weaver  had  a  hand  in 
the  drafting  of  these  resolutions. 

The  two  wings  of  the  Populist  party  held 
national  conventions  at  the  same  time  in  May 
—  the  regulars  at  Sioux  Falls,  South  Dakota, 
and  the  Middle-of-the-Roaders  at  Cincinnati, 
Ohio.  Weaver,  of  course,  went  to  Sioux  Falls 
where  the  nomination  of  Bryan  was  a  foregone 
conclusion ;  but  the  question  of  naming  a  candi- 
date for  Vice  President  gave  rise  to  a  serious 


392  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

contest,  the  friends  of  Bryan  opposing  such  a 
nomination  in  advance  of  the  meeting  of  the 
Democratic  national  convention.  After  a  warm 
struggle  Charles  A.  Towne  of  Minnesota 
was  nominated;  but  later  in  August  he  with- 
drew, and  the  national  committee  substituted 
the  nominee  of  the  Democrats,  Adlai  E.  Steven- 
son. It  hardly  needs  to  be  added  that  General 
Weaver  was  opposed  to  the  nomination  of  any 
candidate  for  Vice  President,  since  a  complete 
alliance  could  not  be  brought  about  without  the 
acceptance  of  the  same  candidates  by  the  allies. 
There  was  not  the  same  reason  as  existed  in 
1896  for  such  action,  for  the  other  wing  of  the 
party  nominated  a  separate  ticket  made  up  of 
Wharton  Barker  of  Pennsylvania  and  Ignatius 
Donnelly  of  Minnesota.^ ^"^ 

The  Weaver  correspondence  after  the  con- 
vention at  Sioux  Falls  again  reflected  his  posi- 
tion and  relation  to  party  affairs.  On  May  16, 
1900,  George  S.  Canfield  of  St.  Paul  wrote  him 
that  he  was  *Wery  sorry  that  matters  went 
against  your  judgment  at  Sioux  Falls,  and  feel 
certain  that  you  appreciated  our  position  as  to 
Minnesota.  It  was  apparent  from  the  start  that 
some  nomination  must  be  made.  Knowing  that 
you  reflected  the  sentiments  of  our  leaders,  we 
appreciated  your  position,  and  the  fact  that 
your  great  personal  strength  with  all  members 
of  your  party  was  unable  to  stem  the  tide,  is  all 


LATER  YEARS  393 

the  more  proof  that  nothing  could  have  brought 
about  any  different  action. 

^^  Myself  and  others  outside  of  the  delegation 
bore  from  Mr.  Towne  his  most  urgent  advice 
that  a  conference  was  a  better  plan.  When  a 
nomination  was  unavoidable,  of  course,  the 
nomination  of  an  outside  man  was  the  best  pos- 
sible thing  to  do.  You  will  be  glad  to  be  re- 
assured, as  we  are,  from  Mr.  Towne  since  the 
convention,  of  the  receptive  attitude  which  he 
maintains  and  his  lofty  purpose  to  take  such 
final  action  as  may  be  deemed  best  in  the  final 
consideration. '  '^^^ 

A  few  days  later  a  letter  to  Weaver  from 
T.  M.  Patterson  of  Colorado,  permanent  chair- 
man of  the  Sioux  Falls  convention,  declared 
that  their  views  as  to  the  nomination  of  Towne 
were  the  same,  and  yet  he  would  like  very  much 
^'to  see  them  proved  wrong.  Towne  would 
make  a  strong  second  to  Mr.  Bryan  in  all  of  the 
middle,  mountain  and  far  western  states,  and  I 
think,  from  what  Mr.  Bryan  said,  whom  I  saw 
on  my  way  back  from  Sioux  Falls,  he  would  be 
more  than  pleased  to  have  Mr.  Towne  on  the 
ticket  with  him.  I  have  no  means  of  judging 
what  the  democratic  sentiment  generally  will 
be  about  Towne,  except  as  it  is  developed  here 
in  Denver.  Most  of  the  Democrats  are  Mr. 
Towne 's  warm  admirers,  but  they  almost  uni- 
formly say  that  they  believe  it  will  be  unwise  to 


394  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

nominate  him  at  Kansas  City  under  the  circum- 
stances. They  do  not  believe  that  a  great  party 
should  be  in  the  position  before  the  entire  peo- 
ple of  the  country  —  of  accepting  their  full 
presidential  ticket  ready  made  at  the  hands  of 
another  political  organization.  And  then  you 
know  Populism  is  very  unpopular  in  the  South 
and  the  East.  The  single  fact  that  he  comes  to 
delegates  from  those  sections  of  the  country  as 
a  Populist  nominee  I  fear  is  enough  to  destroy 
his  chances.  Towne's  nomination  was  the  out- 
come, in  my  opinion,  of  a  combination  between 
Mr.  Bryan's  friends  and  enemies;  a  large  num- 
ber of  those  who  supported  him  are  sincerely 
Mr.  Bryan's  friends,  but  I  think  there  were 
some  marplots  there  with  their  pockets  full  of 
proxies  —  who  would  really  rejoice  to  see  Mr. 
McKinley  re-elected.  "^^^ 

E.  H.  Gillette,  who  had  been  elected  to  Con- 
gress with  Weaver  in  1878,  representing  the 
Des  Moines  district,  and  who  had  been  associ- 
ated with  him  politically  ever  since,  asked  his 
advice  in  June  in  regard  to  the  need  for  his 
attendance  at  Kansas  City  to  urge  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Towne  by  the  Democrats.  Gillette 
wrote  that  he  had  not  intended  to  go  and  had 
^'felt  highly  elated  for  two  months  to  think'* 
that  he  would  not  have  to  test  his  ^'physical 
endurance"  and  ''hold  on  life  by  thrusting" 
himself    ''into    that    seething    July    cauldron. 


LATER  YEARS  395 

That  is  a  place  where  you'd  grow  young,  but 
where  I'd  grow  old.  However  if  it  should  hap- 
pen that  there  was  any  Dem.  there  whom  I 
could  persuade  to  do  the  right  thing,  which  I 
very  much  doubt,  I  might  be  tempted  as  a  mat- 
ter of  duty  ....  to  make  a  sardine  of 
myself  for  a  week. '  '^^^ 

The  Kansas  City  convention  nominated 
Bryan  unanimously  upon  the  first  ballot,  and 
completed  the  ticket  with  only  a  slight  contest 
by  the  selection  of  Adlai  E.  Stevenson  of  Illi- 
nois as  its  candidate  for  Vice  President.  Towne 
received  only  eighty-nine  and  one-half  votes 
compared  with  five  hundred  and  fifty-nine  and 
one-half  for  Stevenson  and  two  hundred  for 
David  B.  Hill  of  New  York.^^i 

The  friction  between  Democrats  and  Popu- 
lists and  between  the  two  Populist  factions 
made  the  alliance  less  complete  in  1900  than  it 
had  been  four  years  earlier.  The  entrance  of 
the  issues  arising  from  the  Spanish  War  con- 
fused the  situation,  while  the  return  of  business 
prosperity  reduced  the  urgency  of  the  monetary 
questions.  The  result  was  an  increased  vote 
for  the  Kepublicans  and  a  falling  off  of  the 
Democratic  vote.  The  hopes  for  the  success 
of  ^'the  triple  alliance"  in  a  second  campaign 
were  doomed  to  disappointment.  Changed  con- 
ditions were  chiefly  responsible  for  the  failure, 
and  a  new  program  w^as  necessary. 


396  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

General  Weaver's  position  after  the  election 
of  1900  was  stated  in  a  letter  to  the  Omaha 
World-Herald,  answering  an  address  recently 
issued  regarding  the  future  of  the  Democratic 
party.  He  believed  that  ^^  under  the  leadership 
of  Mr.  Bryan  and  in  the  hands  of  its  absolutely 
loyal  committee,  the  democratic  party  is  a  re- 
form party  —  a  new  and  mighty  reform  force 
—  and  its  leadership  cannot  revert  to  objec- 
tionable hands  unless  the  7,000,000  reform 
voters  commit  the  stupendous  blunder  of  dis- 
banding in  face  of  the  enemy  for  the  vain  pur- 
pose of  attempting  a  re-organization. 

^^The  way  to  insure  a  complete  union  of  the 
reform  forces  is  for  the  elements  which  rallied 
to  the  support  of  Mr.  Bryan  to  stay  together. 
The  work  of  the  unification  is  already  accom- 
plished, and  our  leader  is  the  best  known  and 
best  beloved  man  on  earth  to-day.  A  new 
organization  could  not  muster  one-half  of  the 
mighty  host  who  gave  us  their  support  in  1900, 
and  plutocracy  would  hail  the  advent  of  a  new 
party  with  peans  of  joy.  It  would  insure  their 
supremacy  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  If  the 
various  reform  elements  that  supported  our 
leader  in  the  memorable  conflict  of  the  present 
year  desire  to  exert  salutary  influence  in  polit- 
ical circles  in  the  future  let  them  resolutely 
stand  by  their  guns  and  await  events.  "^^^ 

Evidently  General  Weaver  was  satisfied  to 


LATER  YEARS  397 

remain  a  member  of  this  ^^  union  of  reform 
forces",  as  he  regarded  it,  and  apparently  he 
continued  to  act  with  the  Democrats  during  the 
rest  of  his  life.  Probably  the  close  friendship 
with  Mr.  Bryan  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  his 
permanent  association  with  the  Democratic 
party.  During  all  these  years  Bryan  was  the 
unquestioned  leader  of  the  Democracy,  and 
Weaver's  opinions  and  sympathies  coincided 
with  his  own.  He  recognized,  too,  the  pioneer 
services  of  Weaver  in  preparing  the  way  for 
his  own  leadership  from  1896  to  1912.  Bryan 
and  La  Follette  and  Roosevelt  were  all  long 
preceded  by  Weaver.  Bryan  fully  and  freely 
acknowledged  his  indebtedness  to  the  '*  Grand 
Old  Commoner  of  lowa".^^^ 

In  July,  1904,  General  Weaver  was  one  of 
the  delegates  at  large  from  Iowa  to  the  Demo- 
cratic national  convention  at  St.  Louis.  The 
delegation  were  instructed  by  the  convention  to 
vote  for  William  R.  Hearst  of  New  York  and 
were  bound  by  the  unit  rule  to  support  him. 
The  State  convention  also  voted  down  the  re- 
affirmation of  the  Kansas  City  platform  of 
1900.  The  domination  of  the  Hearst  supporters 
was  very  distasteful  to  the  older  leaders  who 
opposed  the  instruction  of  the  delegates.  Gen- 
eral Weaver  advocated  the  instructions;  and 
one  of  the  district  delegates,  W.  W.  Baldwin  of 
Burlington,  a  sound  money  Democrat,  wrote 


398  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

him  immediately  afterwards,  expressing  his 
** unqualified  admiration'^  of  his  ability  as  a 
political  debater.  ^*I  thought  that  your  speech 
for  instructions  at  Des  Moines  was  a  model  of 
adroit  and  skillful  appeal."  In  the  convention 
the  votes  for  the  four  delegates-at-large  who 
were  elected  were  as  follows:  J.  M.  Parsons 
611;  E.  M.  Carr  596;  S.  B.  Wadsworth  562;  and 
Weaver  521.^24 

Although  Hearst  failed  to  receive  the  Demo- 
cratic nomination  at  St.  Louis  —  his  chances  of 
success  were  never  good  —  General  Weaver 
seems  to  have  turned  to  the  support  of  Parker 
with  remarkable  willingness.  Probably  with 
Bryan  he  was  ready  to  give  the  conservative 
Democrats  a  chance  to  show  their  weakness 
wdth  the  hope  that  in  1908  the  party  would  turn 
again  to  progressive  leadership.  At  any  rate 
he  took  an  active  part  in  the  campaign. 

His  opinion  of  the  situation  was  given  in  an 
interview  one  week  after  the  St.  Louis  conven- 
tion. He  described  the  Chicago  convention  of 
1896  as  ^^the  vernal  equinox'',  and  that  of  1904 
as  *Hhe  autumnal  of  the  great  struggle  for 
democratic  reform";  but  he  believed  that 
*^ balmy  spring"  would  come  again.  ** Bryan, 
the  loftiest  democratic  leader  that  ever  lived, 
still  survives,  towering  like  the  Alps,  and  is 
to-day  the  greatest  positive  individual  force  of 
the  New  Century. 


LATER  YEARS  399 

^'Everybody  was  accorded  a  fair  hearing  at 
St.  Louis.  Not  only  the  opportunity  to  be  heard 
was  granted,  but  each  side  was  actually  and 
completely  heard  and  hence  there  is  not  left  the 
shadow  of  an  excuse  to  bolt.  We  did  not  get  all 
we  wanted  either  as  to  candidate  or  platform 
.  .  .  .  But  we  secured  much  that  is  good, 
and  our  platform  of  promises,  when  compared 
with  the  republican  platform  of  silence  on  the 
one  hand  and  vicious  performance  on  the  other, 
amounting  together  to  a  denial  of  hope,  is  suf- 
ficient to  give  us  a  united  democracy  in  every 
state  of  the  Union. 

^^The  platform  is  anti-imperial,  anti-trust,  is 
opposed  to  militarism,  calls  for  tariff  reform, 
election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the  peo- 
ple, strikes  at  military  despotism  in  Colorado, 
calls  for  trial  by  jury  and  a  return  to  the  safe- 
guards of  the  constitution.  Judge  Parker's 
plutocratic  entourage  is  not  pleasing  to  me. 
But  it  is,  to  say  the  least,  equally  as  good  as  the 
surroundings  of  President  Roosevelt.  We  can 
accomplish  nothing  by  flying  apart  into  frag- 
ments at  this  juncture  of  affairs;  neither  can 
we  best  serve  our  country  and  age  by  fleeing  to 
the  camp  and  standard  of  the  adversary.  Good 
judgment  and  patriotism  alike  call  for  the 
united  support  of  Parker  and  Davis.  The 
promise  of  reform  and  the  great  body  of  re- 
formers who  are  tactful  in  their  methods  will 


400  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

be  found  under  this  banner  in   spite   of  the 

plutocratic  influences  which  forced  the  nomi- 
nation/'^^s 

General  Weaver  also  seriously  considered 
running  for  Congress  from  the  sixth  district 
again  in  1904.  His  correspondence  contains  a 
number  of  letters,  either  urging  him  to  be  a  can- 
didate, or  expressing  pleasure  at  the  prospect 
and  promising  support  if  he  were  nominated. 
Nothing  came  of  this  proposal  and  he  occupied 
himself  with  the  campaign  for  Parker.  Late  in 
the  campaign  he  gave  as  a  reason  for  his  failure 
to  run  the  short  time  allowed  for  the  contest. 
He  liked  to  open  a  campaign  January  1st  and 
keep  it  up  to  December  31st.  Some  of  his 
friends  believed  that  many  Republicans  would 
vote  for  him  as  they  had  done  in  the  past,  others 
advised  him  to  '*have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
deal  at  all'^  because  many  Democrats  were 
<<very  sore'',  and  some  made  ^^no  bones  of  say- 
ing right  out  that  they  will  vote  for  Roosevelt 
straight  so  that  the  vote  will  be  over-whelming 
for  him  as  against  the  re-organizers  and  the 
Wall-street  gang.''^^^ 

When  the  Democrats  nominated  Bryan  for  a 
third  time  in  1908  there  could  be  no  question 
as  to  Weaver's  position.  His  friendship  for 
Bryan  and  his  belief  in  the  coming  success  of 
the  reform  forces  made  him  optimistic  again. 
As  in  1896  and  1900  he  looked  forward  to  the 


LATER  YEARS  401 

long-deferred  victory  for  which  he  had  been 
laboring  in  season  and  out  since  1877.  There 
seemed  to  be  good  grounds  for  such  hopes,  for 
the  Democratic  party  was  more  completely 
united  behind  Mr.  Bryan  than  it  had  been  in  the 
two  previous  campaigns  when  he  was  the  stand- 
ard bearer.  Weaver  was  active  in  the  cam- 
paign, being  especially  associated  with  John  W. 
Kern,  the  candidate  for  Vice  President.  After- 
wards Kern  wrote  to  him  expressing  his  appre- 
ciation of  his  ^^  splendid  efforts  during  the 
campaign.  I  look  back  upon  that  part  of  it,  in 
which  I  traveled  and  communed  with  you,  as  by 
far  the  most  pleasant  of  it  all.  I  don't  want  to 
be  a  flatterer,  but  I  feel  that  I  would  like  you 
to  know  that  I  admire  you  immensely  and  want 
you  to  register  me  on  the  list  of  your  best 
friends.  If  I  gave  you  my  reasons  for  liking 
you  so  well,  you  would  blush.  "^^"^ 

General  Weaver  was  also  talked  of  as  a  can- 
didate at  the  primaries  for  the  Democratic 
nomination  for  Governor.  Apparently  the 
perennial  talk  about  his  nomination  for  Con- 
gress occurred,  since  his  old  colleague,  E.  H. 
Gillette,  wrote  him  in  June  and  asked  him,  if 
he  did  not  know  that  ^Hhe  man  who  silenced 
the  Speaker  (Sam  Eandall)  and  sent  him  to  the 
cloak  room  for  a  drink;  the  man  who  opened 
Oklahoma;  the  man  who  exposed  the  National 
Bankers  to  the  contempt  of  mankind,  and  made 

27 


402  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

the  fakirs  and  Trusts  tremble  is  a  marked  man, 
and  when  he  shows  his  head  it  gets  hit!  Did 
you  imagine  they'd  ever  let  you  into  a  legisla- 
tive assembly  again?  Did  you  imagine  they  had 
forgotten!  Not  much!  Don't  be  a  target  for 
'em  but  hit  'em  again. "^^^  General  Weaver's 
age  made  it  rather  unlikely  that  he  would  ever 
be  a  candidate  again. 

But  his  interest  in  politics  remained  keen  to 
the  very  end.  In  the  summer  of  1911,  while  on 
a  visit  to  one  of  his  daughters  in  Seattle, 
Washington,  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
progressive  movement  was  becoming  ^'formid- 
able". He  pointed  out  that  the  progressives 
had  cut  loose  from  corporate  and  trust  control. 
They  were  making  war  upon  the  *' interests", 
and  in  effect  were  ^'forming  a  new  party  by 
trying  to  transform  the  old  one,  [and]  they  will 
succeed.  The  old  regime  had  better  stand  from 
under."  Kef  erring  to  the  popular  election  of 
Senators,  which  he  had  urged  during  his  three 
terms  in  Congress,  he  said  the  progressives 
were  doing  **the  next  best  thing"  by  nomi- 
nating them  in  the  primaries. ^-^  Evidently  he 
saw  that  they  were  doing  for  the  Republicans 
what  Bryan  had  done  for  the  Democrats.  He 
recognized  that  both  movements  were  working 
along  the  same  lines  along  which  he  had  cam- 
paigned for  so  many  years. 

On  his  way  home  a  month  later  he  discussed 


LATER  YEARS  403 

the  political  situation  in  an  interview  at  Salt 
Lake.  He  believed  that  if  La  Follette  was  nomi- 
nated for  President  he  would  sweep  the  coun- 
try, and  that  if  President  Taft  should  be 
renominated  he  would  certainly  be  defeated. 
He  described  ^*the  Democratic  presidential  out- 
look" as  *^  somewhat  chaotic.  The  Harmon 
people  are  keeping  their  forces  well  in  hand. 
Woodrow  Wilson  has  ingratiated  himself  with 
the  Democrats  of  the  country.  Champ  Clark, 
however,  would  seem  to  be  the  popular  choice. ' ' 
He  planned  to  take  the  stump  for  the  Demo- 
cratic presidential  nominee  in  1912.^^^ 

During  the  last  months  of  his  life  he  was 
much  interested  in  the  campaign  of  the  candi- 
dates for  the  Democratic  nomination  for  Presi- 
dent in  1912.  Early  in  November,  1911,  Judge 
A.  Van  Wagenen  of  Sioux  City  wrote  him  that, 
after  diligent  study  for  four  or  five  months,  he 
had  reached  the  conclusion  that  Woodrow 
Wilson  was  ^'the  most  fundamentally  rooted  of 
any  progressive  in  the  country. ' '  He  expressed 
a  desire  to  know  how  Weaver's  thoughts  were 
running  ^^on  the  important  question  of  who 
will  make  the  right  kind  as  well  as  the  strongest 
leader. ' '  A  few  days  later  Judge  Van  Wagenen 
replied  to  a  letter  from  Weaver,  which  he  had 
^^read  and  studied  carefully.  I  like  Champ 
Clark  splendidly  but  I  am  just  like  you  I  am 
afraid  of  his  poise.    They  tell  me  in  this  respect 


404  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

lie  has  been  better  for  some  time  but  poise  is  a 
thing  that  comes  with  a  life  long  habit  .... 
Still  we  must  give  Clark  credit  for  having  done 
a  wonderful  lot  of  good.  I  haven't  said  to  any 
one  or  to  myself  just  what  I  am  going  to  do,  but 
I  am  like  you  the  more  I  think  the  more  strongly 
I  am  about  settling  upon  Wilson. ''^^^ 

Late  in  December,  1911,  and  in  January,  1912, 
letters  to  Weaver  indicate  a  leaning  towards 
Champ  Clark.  W.  D.  Jamieson,  a  former  Dem- 
ocratic congressman  from  Iowa,  wrote  him  that 
^4t  did  my  heart  good  to  find  that  you  are  so 
emphatically  with  us  in  the  effort  to  get  an 
Iowa  delegation  for  Mr.  Clark,  and  with  the 
kind  of  a  fighting  spirit  that  you  have  for  the 
things  that  you  believe  to  be  right,  I  am  sure 
you  will  be  glad  to  write  a  few  letters."  He 
mentioned  a  number  of  persons  to  whom  he 
would  like  to  have  Weaver  write.  About  three 
weeks  later  he  wrote  again  and  urged  him  to 
make  a  statement  of  his  views  for  publication. 
''As  the  man  who  had  more  than  a  million  votes 
as  a  presidential  candidate,  and  one  of  those  to 
whom  Wilson  undoubtedly  referred  as  the 
'alien'  element  which  was  to  be  eliminated  from 
the  democratic  party,  I  think  it  would  be  well 
for  you  to  try  the  case  out  very  exhaustively, 
setting  forth  clearly  and  at  length  your  reasons 
and  arguments  for  your  present  position.  You 
are  recognized  everywhere  as  being  one  of  the 


LATER  YEARS  405 

very  earnest  and  substantial  leaders  of  the  rad- 
ical fight  of  the  country,  and  as  being  one  of  the 
very  earnest  and  honest  and  reliable  demo- 
crats. "^^^ 

His  last  expression  of  opinion  upon  public 
affairs  was  an  endorsement  of  Champ  Clark  as 
a  candidate  for  the  Democratic  nomination  for 
President,  written  upon  a  scrap  of  heavy  ma- 
nilla  wrapping  paper.  The  letter  was  written 
to  W.  D.  Jamieson  on  January  26th.  He  had 
taken  time  to  think  over  the  political  situation 
in  Iowa  and  had  reached  the  conclusion  that  the 
State  ought  to  support  Champ  Clark.  * '  This  is 
emphatically  Clark  territory.  His  versatility 
and  wide  experience  as  a  legislator,  his  long 
acquaintance  with  the  public  men  of  the  country 
and  his  thorough  understanding  of  the  motives 
of  those  who  represent  the  almost  omnipotent 
interests' — motives  which  are  never  willingly 
disclosed  or  admitted  —  preeminently  qualify 
him  for  the  high  position.  Mr.  Clark  should 
have  every  vote  of  our  delegation  without  divi- 
sion. I  say  that  not  with  any  resentment  to- 
ward other  candidates.  They  are  all  eminent 
men  and  small  things  should  not  be  introduced 
and  considered.  The  path  of  duty  is  plain. 
Let  us  follow  it.  With  charity  for  all  I  am  reso- 
lutely and  unalterably  for  Mr.  Clark,  and  trust 
sincerely  that  Iowa  will  so  align  herself  at 
Baltimore.  "^^^ 


406  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

General  Weaver's  death  occurred  in  Febru- 
ary, 1912,  before  the  contest  between  Wilson 
and  Clark  had  assumed  definite  form.  Without 
doubt  he  would  have  followed  Bryan  in  his  sup- 
port of  Wilson  when  events  developed  as  they 
did  in  the  Baltimore  convention.  One  can  not 
but  regret  that  he  could  not  have  lived  another 
year  to  witness  the  election  and  inauguration 
of  a  Democratic  President,  who  would  have 
seemed  to  him  to  represent  the  triumph  of  that 
union  of  reform  forces  for  which  he  had  toiled 
and  waited  for  more  than  thirty  years. 


XVIII 

Recognition 

In  March,  1901,  General  Weaver  was  elected 
mayor  of  Colfax,  the  town  in  which  his  later 
years  were  spent.  Under  the  circumstances  his 
choice  for  the  position  was  an  indication  of  the 
regard  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  friends  and 
neighbors.  Political  lines  were  not  drawn  to 
any  great  extent,  and  he  received  the  support 
largely  of  those  desiring  a  cleaner  administra- 
tion of  local  affairs.  This  election  as  mayor 
was  the  first  of  a  series  of  events  during  the 
last  years  of  his  life  which  showed  very  plainly 
that  he  had  won  the  recognition  and  esteem  of 
the  people  of  the  State.  There  was  nothing 
partisan  in  this  tardy  appreciation  of  his  ser- 
vices. A  letter  from  his  son-in-law,  H.  C. 
Evans,  in  February,  1903,  informed  him  that  he 
would  be  renominated  for  mayor,  unless  he 
' immediately '^  wrote  '^some  one  at  home''  to 
stop  it.  General  Weaver  was  still  actively 
interested  in  State  politics,  and  the  same  letter 
refers  to  his  *^boom  for  governor''  as  **big".^^^ 
The  golden  wedding  anniversary  of  General 
and  Mrs.  Weaver  was  celebrated  in  July,  1908. 

407 


408  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

No  formal  invitations  were  issued  and  only  a 
simple  notice  inserted  in  the  press  a  few  days 
before  the  '  event.  The  guests  were  received 
upon  the  lawn  of  the  unpretentious  home  at 
Colfax,  and  the  afternoon  and  evening  wit- 
nessed a  continuous  procession  of  persons  who 
called  to  pay  their  respects.  General  and  Mrs. 
Weaver  were  assisted  by  all  of  their  children, 
except  Mrs.  Laura  Ketchum  of  Seattle,  Wash- 
ington, who  found  it  impossible  to  be  present. 
The  six  children  present  were  Mrs.  Maude  Rob- 
inson of  Colfax,  Mrs.  Susan  Evans,  Mrs.  Ruth 
Denny,  and  Mr.  James  B.  Weaver,  Jr.,  of  Des 
Moines,  Mrs.  Esther  Cohrt  of  Traer,  and  Mr. 
Abram  C.  Weaver  of  Aberdeen,  South  Dakota. 
A  delegation  from  Des  Moines,  where  General 
Weaver  had  lived  from  1890  to  the  time  of  his 
removal  to  Colfax,  presented  a  beautiful  library 
chair  as  a  gift  from  the  Polk  County  Democ- 
racy. 

During  the  evening  the  people  of  Colfax 
turned  out  in  large  numbers.  An  informal  pro- 
gram also  was  given  during  the  course  of  the 
evening.  A  present  of  $50  in  gold  —  one  gold 
dollar  for  each  year  of  wedded  life  —  came 
from  the  citizens  of  Colfax.  General  Weaver 
responded  *^in  a  speech  replete  with  humor, 
pathos  and  the  expression  of  the  thanks  of  him- 
self and  wife  for  the  many  kind  words  and 
<ieeds  of  the  day. 


RECOGNITION  409 

In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  paid  a  fine 
tribute  to  Mrs.  Weaver,  who  throughout  their 
married  life  had  been  in  perfect  sympathy  with 
his  understanding  of  the  issues  involved  in  his 
public  career.  She  had  been  a  leader  in  the 
temperance  and  suffrage  movements  in  the 
State,  and  an  active  associate  and  helper  in  all 
of  his  reform  work.  General  Weaver  related 
the  story  of  how  when  he  asked  Mrs.  Weaver  if 
she  had  heard  the  news  of  Lincoln's  call  for 
troops  in  1861,  she  answered,  ^'Yes,  James,  and 
I  want  you  to  go ' '.  They  were  financially  very 
poor  at  that  time.  Their  first  child  had  been 
born  in  1859,  and  another  was  expected  in 
August,  1861. 

Mr.  W.  S.  Moore  of  General  Weaver's  old 
regiment,  the  Second  Iowa  Volunteer  Infantry, 
was  called  out  and  responded  in  a  witty  and 
effective  speech.  There  were  many  presents 
from  friends  and  relatives.  .  .  .  Singing 
closed  the  evening  that  will  be  a  delightful 
recollection  to  all  concerned.  ""^^ 

The  custom  of  hanging  the  portraits  of  the 
famous  men  of  the  past  upon  the  walls  of  public 
buildings  is  an  old  and  widely  accepted  one. 
When  the  Iowa  Capitol  was  completed  in  1882 
Charles  Aldrich  began  to  urge  the  collection  of 
the  portraits  of  noted  Iowa  men  to  be  hung 
upon  the  walls  of  the  offices  and  corridors.  The 
portraits  of  a  score  of  governors,  judges,  and 


410  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

other  officials  had  been  hung  on  the  walls  in  the 
Capitol  before  the  gallery  of  the  Memorial  His- 
torical and  Art  Building  was  opened.  The  popu- 
larity and  value  of  the  plan,  originated  by  Mr. 
Aldrich  for  the  Capitol,  led  him  to  emphasize 
this  feature  after  the  erection  of  the  Memorial 
Historical  and  Art  Building.  He  felt  very 
strongly  that  oil  paintings  of  the  prominent 
men  of  Iowa  ought  to  be  preserved,  and  he  made 
the  securing  of  such  portraits  one  of  the  chief 
objects  of  the  Historical  Department  of  which 
he  was  Curator.  Without  funds  for  this  specific 
purpose,  the  only  method  of  acquisition  was  by 
gift.  Many  of  the  pioneers  and  distinguished 
men  to  whom  Mr.  Aldrich  issued  his  invitations 
could  not  afford  or  were  too  modest  to  present 
their  portraits.  Among  those  who  received 
such  an  invitation  from  Mr.  Aldrich  was  Gen- 
eral James  B.  Weaver;  but  neither  response 
nor  refusal  came  while  Mr.  Aldrich  lived. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Aldrich 's  death  in  March, 
1908,  Mrs.  Charles  Dupree  Smith  noticed  the 
absence  of  a  portrait  of  General  Weaver  in  the 
gallery  of  the  Historical  Memorial  and  Art 
Building.  She  at  once  conceived  a  plan  for  pro- 
viding and  presenting  such  a  portrait,  and 
immediately  communicated  her  ideas  to  General 
G.  M.  Dodge,  Hon.  Fred  E.  White,  General 
James  S.  Clarkson  and  a  number  of  other  emi- 
nent men,  all  of  whom  cordially  approved  the 


410               JAMES  BAIHD  V 

otlier  officials  j..r 

walls  in  the 

Capitol  before  ti. 

morial  His- 

torical  and  Art  P 

\vasopeiKMl.  Thepopu- 

larity  and  va              ije 

plan^  originated  by  Mr. 

Aldric^^  f  ... 

'    ^  •']  him  to  emphasize 

this  f 

m  of  the  Memorial 

id   Art 

fig.     He  felt  very 

oil  pr 

''  the"  prominent 

ught  t^ 

'  '1  he  made 

)f  sucL 

he  chief 

the  Historical  Department  of  which 

Curator.    Without  fiv                  >  specific 

..     t1...   ,.,,K-    ,v,..l1., 

--  -                        wa;s  by 

aguished 

4fl<'itMons 

^vit^t  to  present 

w.,0   who   received 

\  Aldrich  was  Gen- 

bnt  neither  response 

'  lived. 

in  March, 

noticed  the 

absence  of  a  port 

Weaver  in  the 

gallery  of  the  Hit 

uorial   and  Art 

Building.    She  at  oncv. 

.,            ^  rt  plan  for  pro- 

viding  and  presenting   sn.  ortrait,   and 

immediately  communicated  her  ideas  to  General 
G.  M.  Dodge,  Hon.  Fred  E.  White,  General 
James  S.  Clarkson  and  a  number  of  other  emi- 
nent men,  all  of  whom  cordially  ai>proved  the 


MR.    AND    MRS.    JAMES    BAIRD    WEAVER 


RECOGNITION  411 

plan.  Thereupon  Mrs.  Smith  began  a  campaign 
to  collect  the  necessary  funds.  The  friends  and 
admirers  of  General  Weaver,  in  and  out  of 
Iowa,  responded  readily  and  generously.  Mr. 
Charles  A.  Gumming  of  Des  Moines  was  com- 
missioned to  paint  the  portrait,  which  was 
ready  for  presentation  in  February,  1909. 

A  committee  of  subscribers  was  appointed, 
consisting  of  Hon.  Jerry  Sullivan,  Hon.  Carroll 
Wright,  Hon.  H.  W.  Byers,  Eev.  J.  F.  Nugent, 
Mrs.  Charles  Dupree  Smith,  with  Mr.  Edgar  R. 
Harlan  as  chairman,  to  arrange  a  program  be- 
fitting the  occasion.  The  board  of  trustees  of 
the  Historical  Department  asked  that  the  exer- 
cises be  given  under  their  auspices,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  resolution  offered 
the  use  of  their  hall  for  the  purpose.  The 
Speaker  of  the  House  appointed  a  committee  of 
three  to  act  with  the  general  committee.  The 
afternoon  of  February  15,  1909,  was  selected  as 
the  time  for  the  public  unveiling  and  presen- 
tation. On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  a 
memorial  banquet  in  honor  of  General  Weaver 
was  given  at  the  Savery  House,  Des  Moines, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Democratic  members 
of  the  legislature.  Both  occasions  were  in- 
tended to  be  of  a  non-partisan  character,  and 
were  participated  in  by  men  of  all  parties. 
Together  they  constituted  a  unique  testimonial 
to  the  career  and  a  sincere  recognition  of  the 


412  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

worth  of  a  man  who  had  only  occasionally  held 
office  and  whose  public  activity  had  usually 
been  with  the  minority. 

The  afternoon  program,  over  which  Governor 
B.  F.  Carroll  presided  as  chairman  of  the  board 
of  trustees  of  the  Historical  Department,  con- 
sisted of  an  address  by  Rev.  J.  F.  Nugent  pre- 
senting the  portrait  on  behalf  of  the  friends  of 
General  Weaver.  Immediately  following  came 
the  unveiling  of  the  picture  by  two  of  his  grand- 
daughters. After  this  ceremony  Major  John  F. 
Lacey,  a  long  time  friend  and  political  opponent 
in  the  sixth  district,  paid  special  tribute  to  the 
military  record  and  character  of  his  former 
antagonist.  Mr.  William  Jennings  Bryan  was 
then  introduced,  and  his  address  was  ^^a  sermon 
on  goodness  and  nobility  of  character,  and  an 
application  of  these  traits  to  the  life  of  the 
speaker ^s  friend."  In  a  few  well  chosen  re- 
marks Judge  H.  E.  Deemer  accepted  the  por- 
trait on  behalf  of  the  trustees  of  the  Historical 
Department.  An  audience  of  twelve  hundred 
persons  was  present  at  these  impressive  exer- 
cises. 

Just  before  the  close  of  the  proceedings, 
Mrs.  Smith  presented  to  General  Weaver  a 
*^  beautiful,  hand-tooled,  Morocco  bound  vol- 
ume'*  containing  the  many  letters  which  had 
been  received  in  the  course  of  the  preparation 
of  the  portrait.    General  Weaver  rose  and  with 


RECOGNITION  413 

deep  emotion  received  the  book  with  a  few- 
words  of  thanks.  He  declared  that  the  one  fea- 
ture that  he  appreciated  more  highly  than  any- 
thing else  was  the  fact  that  it  was  ^^  strictly 
non-partisan''  and  came  from  ''loving  friends 
of  all  political  faiths".  After  the  conclusion  of 
the  exercises  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives General  Weaver  held  a  reception  in 
the  rooms  of  the  Speaker.^^^ 

The  memorial  banquet  in  the  evening  was 
attended  by  about  four  hundred  persons.  State 
Senator  and  Congressman-elect  W.  D.  Jamieson 
was  the  toastmaster,  and  Hon.  Jerry  Sullivan, 
Governor  B.  F.  Carroll,  Ex-Governor  Warren 
Garst,  Colonel  Lafayette  Young,  Attorney  Gen- 
eral H.  W.  Byers,  Senator  J.  A.  De  Armand, 
Representative  W.  L.  Harding,  Judge  M.  J. 
Wade,  and  Hon.  G.  F.  Rinehart  responded  to 
toasts.  Following  this  list  of  speakers.  General 
Weaver  and  Mr.  Bryan  closed  the  program  with 
addresses  upon  Brotherhood  and  Retrospect 
and  Prospect,  America  being  sung  between  the 
two  speeches.  The  banquet  was  a  fitting  climax 
to  a  really  wonderful  occasion  which  will  go 
down  in  Iowa  history  as  ''Weaver  Day''. 

"General  Weaver's  speech  was  full  of  the 
feeling  of  gratitude  that  had  been  evident 
throughout  the  day.  As  he  expressed  his 
thanks  to  his  friends  for  the  tributes  of  the  day, 
his  voice  trembled  with  the  emotion  he  could  not 


414  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

conceal,  and  as  he  pledged  his  life  long  grati- 
tude and  that  of  his  children,  the  heart  of  every 
hearer  was  touched  by  his  earnestness  and  the 
realization  of  what  this  homage  means  to  him 
after  a  life  long  struggle  in  which,  as  he  said, 
he  was  not  merely  usually  in  the  minority  but 
in  the  *  minor  minority'. '^ 

The  honors  of  the  day  were  shared  with  Mr. 
Bryan.  **When  he  was  introduced  .  .  .  . 
at  the  banquet  the  applause  was  as  long  as  that 
which  had  greeted  General  Weaver.  Mr.  Bryan 
first  gave  his  attention  to  Col.  Lafe  Young,  who 
had  preceded  him  on  the  programme  and  had 
turned  some  pointed  stories  his  way.  He  re- 
ferred to  Mr.  Young's  declaration  that  he  had 
been  a  greenbacker  at  twelve  years  of  age,  but 
had  changed  soon  afterward  to  a  republican. 
*  We  are  told  in  the  Bible',  said  Mr.  Bryan,  ^that 
truth  is  revealed  to  babes. '  Shouts  of  laughter 
greeted  the  sally,  and  Mr.  Young  joined  in  the 
storm  of  applause."  Though  it  was  after  mid- 
night when  Mr.  Bryan  concluded  his  address 
very  few  had  left  the  hall  at  that  time,  the 
interest  having  been  remarkably  well  sustained 
throughout  the  long  evening. ^^^ 

At  the  reunion  of  the  Pioneer  Lawmakers' 
Association  held  in  Des  Moines  a  few  weeks 
after  the  unveiling  of  General  Weaver's  por- 
trait, Mr.  Isaac  Brandt,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Association,  declared  that  he  had  attended  ^^all 


RECOGNITION  415 

the  presentations  of  these  notable  pictures  .  . 
.  .  and  I  want  to  say  that  I  believe  there 
never  was  such  a  day  in  the  State  of  Iowa  as 
was  the  day  that  Gen.  Weaver  ^s  picture  .  .  .  . 
was  presented  to  the  State  of  Iowa  .... 
Those  grand  tributes  that  were  paid  to  him  by 
Father  Nugent  —  it  was  magnificent.  His  man- 
uscript was  grand,  but  when  he  laid  down  his 
manuscript  and  spoke  from  his  heart  .... 
the  audience  arose  almost  en  masse  and  cheered 
it.  And  then,  the  tribute  that  Mr.  Bryan  paid 
to  him  was  grand,  and  I  must  say  that  of  all  the 
functions  I  ever  attended  there  was  none  that 
pleased  me  so  fully  and  completely  as  the  trib- 
ute that  was  given  to  Gen.  J.  B.  Weaver.  "^"^^^ 

The  bound  volume  of  correspondence  pre- 
sented to  General  Weaver  by  Mrs.  Smith  con- 
tains a  wealth  of  eulogy  and  praise  of  his 
character  and  career.  One  of  the  most  sugges- 
tive contributions  was  an  original  poem  with 
the  title  of  The  Shirmisher ,  sent  by  the  author, 
Herbert  Quick,  then  of  Sioux  City.  It  was  dedi- 
cated to  General  Weaver  and  aptly  described 
his  role  in  politics. 

The  battle  thunders  all  along  the  line; 

The  mustered  myriads  drink  its  draught  like  wine ! 

We  charge  in  lusty  squadrons  unafraid 

Cheered  by  the  bellow  of  our  cannonade 

Still  stands  th'  embattled  host  of  Vested  Wrong, 

Unshaken,  unabashed,  unconquered,  strong; 


416  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

But  Right  has  now  her  fields  of  clustered  spears, 

And  shakes  the  air  with  trampling  and  with  cheers ! 

The  fight  seems  dubious ;  yet  one  thing  we  know : 

The  fight  shall  not  be  lost  without  a  blow ! 

The  soldier  dies;  but  as  his  senses  swim 

He  sees  the  line  sweep  on,  with  eyes  grown  dim. 

The  wounded  lie  and  bleed  —  their  faces  shine 

As  billowing  cheers  come  swelling  down  the  line  ! 

All  now  is  glory,  conquest,  conflict,  thrill; 

The  great  war  dims  the  sky  and  shakes  the  hill ; 

The  very  mass  of  battle  bears  us  high 

In  generous  resolve  to  do  or  die  — 

And  we  forget  in  the  tense  urge  to  win 

The  skirmishers  that  drove  their  pickets  in ! 

They  fought  in  the  gray  dawn,  cold  and  alone, 

A  hardy  few,  darting  from  tree  to  stone. 

No  fife  and  drum,  no  touch  of  elbow  cheered  — 

They  saw  no  following  host  with  flags  upreared; 

And  that  which  wrung  their  valiant  spirits  most 

Was  the  dread  doubt,  ' '  There  is  no  following  host ! ' ' 

Yet  through  the  fearsome  jungle  forth  they  went, 

Felt  for  the  foe,  and  drove  him  to  his  tent ; 

And  in  the  splendid  faith  that  one  good  blow 

Is  each  man's  legal  debt  to  every  foe. 

They  struck.    The  sparse  fire  crackled  through  the 

dawn, 
Grew,  greatened,  roared  —  and  the  great  war  was 

on! 
So  let  us  honor,  'mid  the  battle's  din 
The  skirmishers  that  drove  their  pickets  in ! 

Harvey  Ingham,  editor  of  The  Register  and 


RECOGNITION  417 

header,  wrote  that  Mr.  Quick  ''fitly  designates 
the  General  'The  Skirmisher'.  It  is  a  happy 
suggestion.  He  has  been  on  the  skirmish  line 
of  every  reform  for  a  lifetime,  and  he  has 
driven  in  many  of  the  pickets  of  entrenched 
wrong. ' ' 

Another  very  noteworthy  expression  of  re- 
gard and  esteem  came  from  General  James  S. 
Clarkson,  Weaver's  old  journalistic  opponent 
of  the  days  of  his  prime  when  battles  royal 
were  waged  by  the  two  men  —  one  the  cham- 
pion of  the  party  in  power,  the  other  the  ap- 
parent leader  of  a  forlorn  hope.  Clarkson  was 
in  complete  sympathy  with  the  plan  "to  pay 
fitting  honor  to  one  of  the  worthiest  and  most 
distinguished  of  Iowa  men.  There  is  very  much 
in  the  brilliant  career  of  General  Weaver  to 
stir  the  pride  of  every  Iowa  citizen,  as  well  as 
to  win  popular  admiration  and  affection.  After 
the  differences  of  the  time  shall  have  passed 
away  and  a  full  perspective  of  his  life  and  work 
shall  have  been  gained,  he  will  be  ranked  and 
go  into  history  among  the  dozen  stronger  Iowa 
men  in  several  fields :  in  that  of  the  law,  his  own 
profession;  in  the  lists  of  oratory,  w^here  he  has 
been  among  the  foremost  in  public  life  in  times 
of  peace,  where  he  has  always  made  a  superior 
record;  most  of  all,  in  the  war  to  preserve  the 
Union,  where  his  great  record  is  a  peculiar 
source  of  Iowa  pride ;  and  in  later  years  in  the 

28 


418  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

highest  fields  in  politics,  where  he  has  borne  a 
very  prominent  national  part,  as  well  as  a  lead- 
ing part  in  local,  or  Iowa,  affairs.  General 
Weaver  had  by  nature  many  of  the  elements  of 
actual  greatness,  and  these  natural  qualities  he 
improved  by  application  and  experience.  It 
may  be  said  that  he  achieved  eminence  in  all  the 
larger  fields  except  that  of  commercial  success 
and  money-making.  His  failure  in  that  is  to  be 
credited  to  his  generous  nature  and  his  lifelong 
desire  to  help  others  rather  than  himself. 
Indeed,  the  finest  thing  to  me  in  his  whole 
career  of  many  achievements  is  that  he  has 
always  been  the  willing  and  valorous  and  effec- 
tual friend  of  the  weak,  the  oppressed  and  the 
needy.  Great  as  he  could  have  been  by  apply- 
ing himself  as  a  lawyer,  he  could  have  achieved 
great  fortune  and  made  money  in  many  other 
ways.  It  is  to  his  credit  that  he  preferred  to  be 
useful  to  his  fellow  men  rather  than  to  achieve 
money  and  fortune  for  himself." 

An  interesting  combination  of  circumstances 
made  it  possible  for  three  Eepublican  Gov- 
ernors of  the  State  to  write  letters  of  approval 
of  the  plan  for  the  presentation  of  General 
Weaver's  portrait,  each  writing  while  actually 
in  office,  and  all  within  about  three  months  of 
each  other:  Governor  A.  B.  Cummins  wrote 
October  3,  1908 ;  Governor  Warren  Garst  wrote 
December  9,  1908 ;  and  Governor  B.  F.  Carroll 


EECOGNITION  419 

wrote  January  25,  1909.  The  non-partisan 
character  of  these  testimonials  is  emphasized 
when  we  remember  that  General  Weaver  was  at 
the  time  a  Democrat,  and  had  left  the  Repub- 
lican party  thirty  years  before. 

Another  confirmation  of  the  absence  of  any- 
thing of  a  political  character  from  this  cor- 
respondence is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  from 
W.  W.  Baldwin  of  Burlington.  He  regarded 
the  placing  of  General  Weaver's  portrait  in  the 
gallery  of  the  Historical  Department  as  ^'cer- 
tainly appropriate",  because  he  represented 
*'the  patriotic  sentiment  of  the  state,  for  he  was 
a  splendid  soldier  in  the  War  for  the  Union ;  he 
stands  for  ability  in  public  debate  of  a  high 
order,  and  he  has  upheld  his  political  convic- 
tions with  courage  and  fidelity  in  the  face  of 
many  defeats,  and  much  disappointment  and 
personal  loss  to  himself. 

' '  I  have  not  always  agreed  with  his  views  and 
theories  of  government  and  politics,  but  I  have 
never  failed  to  admire  the  charm  and  vigor  with 
which  he  defended  them,  and  have  always  been 
glad  to  call  him  my  personal  friend. 

' '  Some  of  the  earliest  recollections  of  my  boy- 
hood are  connected  with  General  Weaver  .  . 
.  .  I  shall  never  forget  the  lofty  sentiment 
with  which  he  inspired  me  as  a  youth  when,  in 
an  important  law-suit,  he  denounced  a  notorious 
social  miscreant  in  words   that  fairly  flamed 


420  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

with  eloquent  indignation  and  won  a  substan- 
tial verdict.  Forty  years  later,  I  could  not 
conceal  my  admiration  for  the  masterly  skill 
with  which  he  argued  through  a  State  conven- 
tion a  proposition  to  which  I  could  not  agree  at 
all.  The  same  old  fire  of  speech  was  there,  de- 
livered in  the  same  old  captivating  way.  ^ ' 

W.  D.  Jamieson,  Congressman-elect  from  the 
eighth  district  and  a  political  friend  and  asso- 
ciate, wrote  that  he  admired  General  Weaver 
'^for  the  temptations  he  has  withstood.  At  one 
time  he  was  taken  up  into  the  high  mountain 
and  offered  a  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate 
from  Iowa  if  he  would  —  not  swerve  actually  — 
but  by  his  silence  appear  to  swerve  from  the 
course  ahead  of  him  that  his  conscience  had 
mapped  out  ....  On  every  occasion  his 
character  has  stood  out  clear  and  true  —  four 
square  to  every  wind  that  blew.  I  first  saw 
General  Weaver  when  I  was  a  little  fellow  ten 
years  old.  My  impression  of  him  then  was  that 
he  was  a  mighty  smart  man,  and  I  thought  he 
was  honest.  An  added  acquaintance  of  a  quar- 
ter of  a  century,  more  or  less  intimate,  has 
deepened  my  child's  estimate  in  both  regards. 

**His  preacher  told  me  one  time  that  he  went 
to  prayer  meetings  on  Thursday  evenings,  and 
that  he  worked  at  his  Christianity.  I  believe 
this  is  true,  for  I  have  never  yet  seen  a  single 
act  of  his  that  I  thought  was  otherwise  than  in 


RECOGNITION  421 

conformity  with  his  conception  of  the  right.  I 
was  called  upon,  not  long  ago,  to  introduce  him 
at  a  political  meeting,  and  almost  without  think- 
ing of  what  I  was  saying  I  told  the  audience 
that  he  was  the  one  man  who  was  a  factor  in 
our  political  life,  whom  I  had  introduced  up  to 
that  time,  of  whom  I  could  say  that  he  believed 
in  the  sermon  on  the  mount,  and  that  he  took 
that  sermon  into  his  every  day  political  life'\ 
Mr.  N.  E.  Kendall,  Republican  Congressman- 
elect  from  Weaver  ^s  old  district,  the  sixth,  de- 
scribed him  as  ^^one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  Iowa  has  ever  produced.  His  career  has 
been  unquiet,  because  his  nature  has  been  un- 
compromising. He  is  not  inclined  to  perceive 
an  abuse  without  attacking  it  with  all  his  vigor, 
and  he  is  not  disposed  to  observe  a  reform  with- 
out espousing  it  with  all  his  ability  .... 
Upon  all  problems  public  or  private,  upon  all 
issues  social  or  religious,  upon  all  questions 
moral  or  political,  his  yea  is  yea,  and  his  nay  is 
nay.  Throughout  all  the  decades  which  have 
intervened  since  that  memorable  day  nearly 
half  a  century  ago  when  he  enlisted  as  a  soldier 
for  the  Union  in  the  Second  Iowa  Infantry,  he 
has  been  constantly  engaged  in  battle  with  some 
system,  or  some  principle,  or  some  opinion. 
He  has  not  always  triumphed,  and  yet  he  has 
been  victorious,  for  this  is  true:  that  never 
once  in  all  his  long  and  laborious  life  has  his 


422  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

sterling  integrity  been  assailed,  his  stalwart 
rectitude  questioned,  his  steadfast  fidelity  im- 
peached. In  the  bitterness  of  repeated  political 
campaigns  men  have  challenged  the  correctness 
of  his  conclusions,  but  they  have  never  im- 
pugned the  sincerity  of  his  convictions.  When 
the  impartial  history  of  his  generation  is  com- 
piled he  will  be  awarded  adequate  credit  as  a 
powerful,  aggressive  and  incorruptible  influ- 
ence for  patriotism,  for  temperance,  for  re- 
ligion.    He  has  been 

Patient  of  toil,  serene  amid  alarms. 
Inflexible  in  faith,  indomitable  in  arms. 
And  he  comes  to  twilight  and  evening  star  with 
honor,  love,   obedience,  troops   of  friends,  to 
accompany  his  old  age." 

Brief  quotations  from  other  letters  in  the 
same  collection  simply  add  emphasis  to  the 
testimony  already  presented.  Henry  Wallace 
of  Wallace's  Farmer  wrote  that  he  knew  ^^of 
no  man  in  the  state  more  deserving  of  a  place 
in  the  hall  of  fame  of  the  State  of  Iowa.  How- 
ever honest  men  may  have  differed  from  him  in 
their  conviction  or  their  views  of  public  policy, 
all  will  concede  to  him  honesty  of  conviction, 
sincerity  of  purpose  and  a  supreme  desire  to 
benefit  his  fellow  men'\ 

Lafayette  Young  of  The  Des  Moines  Capital 
expressed  his  pleasure  that  General  Weaver 
was  to  be  given  *^  proper  recognition  in  lowa^s 


RECOGNITION  423 

Hall  of  Fame '  \  and  referred  to  him  as  ^  ^  the  old 
hero.  .  .  .  We  all  love  him  because  he  is  a 
patriot  and  because  he  is  a  fine  specimen  of 
western  citizenship,  virile  and  active/' 

State  Librarian,  Johnson  Brigham,  declared 
that  he  had  never  heard  General  Weaver's 
*^  patriotism  and  courage  questioned,  and  his 
honor  impugned.  I  have  read  with  keen  appre- 
ciation the  story  of  his  bravery  in  battle  and 
his  endurance  in  camp  and  on  the  march,  and 
have  listened  to  his  oratory  with  admiration, 
even  when  his  eloquence  was  directed  against 
my  party.  There  is  nothing  more  helpful  to 
the  party  in  power  than  the  honest  criticism  of 
its  opponents. ''^^^ 


XIX 

Final  Tributes 

General  Weaver  died  at  the  home  of  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  H.  C.  Evans,  in  Des  Moines,  on 
Tuesday,  February  6,  1912,  at  1 :  15  in  the 
afternoon.  His  death  came  unexpectedly  after 
an  illness  of  only  a  couple  days.  He  had  suf- 
fered an  attack  of  indigestion  on  the  Sunday 
morning  preceding,  which  affected  the  heart 
acutely.  He  seemed  to  be  recovering,  when  he 
experienced  a  fainting  spell  about  noon  on 
Tuesday  from  which  he  never  rallied.  From 
that  time  his  life  ebbed  away  calmly  and  peace- 
fully. He  retained  consciousness  to  the  last. 
His  wife  and  all  his  children,  except  one  daugh- 
ter, were  with  him  when  he  passed  away.^^^ 

The  funeral  was  held  on  Thursday,  February 
8th  at  2 :  30  P.  M.  at  the  First  Methodist  Church 
in  Des  Moines.  From  noon  until  the  time  fixed 
for  the  services  the  body  lay  in  state.  Behind 
the  family  reservation  the  pews  were  filled  by 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  citizens  of 
Colfax.  At  the  right  members  of  the  AVoman's 
Christian  Temperance  Union  were  seated  and 
behind  them  the  Yeomen.  The  nave  of  the 
church  was   occupied  by  the   friends  and  ad- 

424 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  425 

mirers  of  the  dead  statesman.  On  the  left  sat  a 
hundred  veterans  of  the  Civil  War,  including 
survivors  of  General  Weaver's  own  regiment. 
The  pallbearers  were:  J.  B.  Weaver,  Jr.  and 
A.  C.  Weaver,  the  two  sons;  H.  C.  Evans, 
Edward  Cohrt,  and  Charles  Sullenberger,  the 
three  sons-in-law;  and  D.  H.  Payne,  a  nephew. 
Two  songs  were  sung  during  the  services  — 
Lead,  Kindly  Light  by  a  quartette  before  the 
prayer  at  the  beginning,  and  Does  Jesus  Care 
by  Mr.  F.  V.  Evans  before  the  benediction. 

Eev.  Edward  Pruitt  of  Colfax,  pastor  of 
General  Weaver's  home  church,  spoke  of  the 
life  of  the  deceased  and  of  his  influence  in  the 
town  where  he  had  lived  for  nearly  sixteen 
years.  He  had  often  thought  ''how  desirable  it 
would  be  to  be  wholly  at  peace  with  God",  and 
had  ' '  wondered  if  it  could  be  true  in  any  life ' '. 
The  example  of  ''this  godly  man"  had  con- 
vinced him  that  his  ' '  religion  was  a  part  of  his 
life",  and  that  he  regarded  religion  as  "a  ne- 
cessity and  not  a  convenience. ' '  He  discovered 
that  he  had  "a  pronounced  sense  of  the  needs 
of  the  common  people  from  the  religious  side", 
and  constantly  "was  reading  before  them  the 
word  of  God.  No  matter  what  kind  of  a  meet- 
ing he  was  in,  he  found  place  and  time  to  say  a 
w^ord  for  his  Master  ....  and  often  when 
he  was  speaking  to  the  old  soldiers  he  would 
open  the  book  and  preach  to  them    ....    He 


426  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

never  asked  would  the  task  be  difficult?  Is  it 
possible  for  us  to  succeed?  But  he  always 
asked,  is  it  right?  and  the  price  was  not  too  big 
to  pay  if  it  was  right.'' 

The  next  speaker  was  the  Rev.  Orien  W. 
Fifer  of  the  Grace  Methodist  Church,  Des 
Moines.  He  described  General  Weaver  as 
*^  essentially  democratic,  at  home  with  the  com- 
mon people,  reading  their  minds  and  feeling 
their  heart  beats  as  if  gifted  with  superhuman 
skill,  and  above  all  one  with  them  in  aspiration, 
purpose  and  affection.  He  was  the  great  com- 
moner, like  product  with  Abraham  Lincoln  of 
these  western  prairies  ....  Illinois  gave 
Lincoln,  the  man  of  incomparable  compassion. 
Nebraska  has  given  Bryan,  the  man  of  un- 
swerving honesty  and  consistency.  Iowa  is  no 
less  proud  of  Weaver,  the  dauntless  crusader  of 
unflinching  courage     .... 

*^He  was  the  tribune  of  the  people.  For  them 
he  was  voice  and  heart.  From  some  lofty 
height  of  vision  or  inspiration  he  came  down  to 
plead  for  the  men  who  toiled,  the  true  home- 
makers  of  America.  The  causes  he  advocated 
were  in  the  interest  of  that  class  which  has  no 
great  lobbyists,  no  strong  organizations,  no 
skillful  friends  at  court.  If  any  of  the  causes 
he  advocated  were  not  perfect  in  plan  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  purpose  of  every  cause  was 
the  uplift  of  the  man  who  had  no  influential 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  427 

friends.  Eeared  on  soil  of  Iowa,  widened  by 
the  greatness  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived, 
perfected  in  compassion  by  the  scenes  of  the 
Civil  War,  he  was  drawn  near  to  the  heart  of 
humanity.  The  greatest  tribute  one  can  bring 
is  this  —  that  out  of  all  his  public  career,  he 
made  no  fortune,  gained  no  store  of  riches,  but 
multiplied  his  friends  by  the  thousands  and 
died  beloved  by  friend  and  respected  by  foe. 

**But  it  was  as  a  Christian  man  that  his  qual- 
ity appeared  in  highest  worth.  Generous  to  a 
fault,  faithful  to  a  degree  involving  risk  of 
health  in  attendance  upon  the  church  he  loved, 
fervent  in  the  devotional  habits  of  a  Christian, 
stalwart  and  unfailing  in  aiding  every  good 
work,  naming  and  honoring  his  Lord  in  private 
and  in  public  without  ostentation  or  intrusion, 
making  himself  a  winner  of  souls,  a  teacher  for 
years  of  the  things  of  Christ,  the  fairest  flower 
of  his  character  was  the  red  rose  of  spiritual 
devotion.  For  nearly  sixty  years  he  was  a 
member  of  the  church.'^ 

Father  James  Nugent,  pastor  of  the  Church 
of  the  Visitation  of  Des  Moines,  made  the  final 
address.  Speaking  extemporaneously  as  a  close 
friend  of  General  Weaver  for  more  than  thirty 
years,  he  devoted  himself  to  an  eulogy  of  the 
man.  He  had  learned  to  look  upon  him  ^^as  a 
man  of  sterling  character'',  and  in  ^^ following 


428  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

his  life  work  on  the  platform  and  the  hustings  *  \ 
he  had  come  ^^to  recognize  in  him  the  ring  of 
the  true  man.  He  was  an  orator  of  unusual  ex- 
cellence, and  one  of  the  best  proofs  of  an  orator 
is  that  he  says  what  he  means  and  he  means 
what  is  right  ....  There  is,  I  think,  no 
man  in  the  country  who  has  ever  heard  General 
Weaver's  speeches,  could  say  when  he  finished, 
*  I  wonder  if  the  General  believes  that '.  We  all 
knew  that  he  did.     .     .     . 

^^If  any  man  ever  thought  that  God  and  one 
made  a  majority,  he  was  that  man,  and  he 
fought  with  that  idea  in  his  head.  His  life  is 
now  a  part  of  his  country's  records,  but  it  is 
useless  to  dwell  here  on  this  solemn  occasion 
upon  his  history.  He  wrote  it  large  himself  in 
the  annals  of  his  country.  He  was  honorable  in 
the  highest  degree.  He  lived  a  clean  life  as  a 
citizen.  An  intelligent  man,  always  religious 
—  intensely  religious.     .     .     . 

^^We  have  learned  to  respect  the  man  on  ac- 
count of  his  integrity;  and  if  I  were  going  to 
say  one  thing  in  special  honor  and  praise  of 
James  B.  Weaver,  I  would  say  that  he  was  a 
conscientious  man  ....  Had  it  not  been 
so,  he  might  have  been  a  rich  man.  He  had  the 
talent  and  he  had  the  ability,  and  he  had  the 
world  opening  before  him.  Avenues  of  wealth, 
honor  and  fame  spread  out  around  him,  but, 
like  the  high  priest  of  the  temple,  he  clung  to 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  429 

his  ideals  and  offered  a  sacrifice  no  less  than 
the  sacrifice  of  a  noble  life.  To-day  his  country 
reveres  his  name,  and  the  highest  gift  that  is 
left  to  his  family  is  the  clean,  unspotted  reputa- 
tion of  a  noble  soldier  and  a  noble  citizen.  "^^^ 

Many  telegrams  of  sympathy  were  received 
by  the  family  from  men  prominent  in  public  life 
who  knew  General  Weaver  and  were  shocked  to 
hear  of  his  death.  Among  those  who  sent  mes- 
sages were  Speaker  Champ  Clark  and  Charles 
W.  Bryan,  brother  of  William  J.  Bryan,  who 
was  in  Texas  en  route  to  Arizona,  and  who 
could  not  be  reached  in  time  for  him  to  attend 
the  funeral.  Many  marks  of  respect  were 
shown  to  General  Weaver  in  Colfax  and  Des 
Moines  at  the  time  of  the  funeral.^*^"*^ 

Under  the  caption  A  Giant  Fallen,  Bryan's 
Commoner  declared  that  the  death  of  General 
Weaver  removed  ^^one  of  the  giants  of  the 
political  forest.  He  represented  all  that  is 
highest  in  citizenship  and  noblest  in  manhood. 
For  three  score  years  almost  he  was  a  warrior, 
fighting  the  battles  of  the  common  people.  His 
strong  body,  his  active  mind  and  his  great  heart 
—  all  were  at  the  service  of  his  fellows.  He 
was  a  pioneer  in  the  reforms  which  are  now 
marching  on  to  victory  and  his  last  days  were 
gladdened  by  the  consciousness  that  he  had  not 
labored  in  vain.  Happy  man  to  have  lived  to 
see  the  harvest  ripening  in  the  field  in  which  he 


430  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

toiled  so  faithfully.  He  was  more  than  an  ex- 
emplary citizen;  he  was  a  man  of  the  purest 
and  most  exalted  type.  In  every  relation  of  life 
he  played  his  part  with  fidelity.  He  did  not 
amass  wealth,  but  he  left  his  family  what  money 
cannot  buy  —  a  spotless  name  and  a  secure 
place  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. '^^^^ 

In  an  editorial  upon  the  death  of  General 
Weaver,  The  Register  and  Leader  referred  to 
the  Civil  War  as  * '  the  determining  factor  in  his 
life.  On  the  battlefield  his  nature  was  set.  He 
became  a  fighter  for  the  right,  and  a  fighter  for 
the  right  he  was  to  his  last  breath,  perhaps  not 
always  seeing  the  right  with  unerring  vision, 
but  pursuing  it  with  unabating  zeal  and  sacri- 
fice. 

**  Coming  from  the  war  with  military  honors 
fairly  won,  the  slave  freed,  he  stepped  into  civil 
life  at  a  time  when  faith  in  humanity  was 
strong,  and  human  rights  were  uppermost.  The 
first  hint  that  the  money  the  boys  at  the  front 
had  taken  at  a  discount  was  not  good  enough 
for  the  bondholders  stirred  him  to  the  core. 
His  whole  subsequent  political  career  was 
marked  out  as  he  took  leadership  in  the  green- 
back movement.  He  saw  the  logic  of  the  situ- 
ation, and  he  never  wavered.  In  fifty  years  he 
was  never  at  outs  with  himself. 

''It  is  probably  true  that  Iowa  has  produced 
no  man  who  was  his  equal  in  debate;  certainly 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  431 

in  his  prime  there  was  not  in  the  United  States 
his  superior.  No  man  ever  crossed  swords  with 
him  on  the  stump  or  in  congress  and  got  away 
to  boast  of  the  encounter.  On  the  contrary,  he 
often  won  a  signal  victory  when  public  senti- 
ment was  plainly  against  the  cause  he  advo- 
cated. He  owed  more  than  one  election  to  his 
powers  of  presentation  and  persuasion.  He 
was  witty,  bold,  and  eloquent,  always  on  his 
feet.  He  lost  no  battles  through  lack  of  gen- 
eralship.    .     .     . 

*^He  lost  a  republican  nomination  for  gov- 
ernor because  of  his  too  early  alignment  against 
the  saloon.  The  convention  was  for  him,  and 
his  nomination  was  conceded.  But  the  political 
managers,  exerting  the  power  of  the  old  days, 
decided  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  commit  the 
party  to  so  advanced  a  position.  Had  he  been 
named  and  elected,  Iowa  might  have  been  lead- 
ing an  insurgent  movement  twenty  years 
earlier.  That  is  one  of  the  4fs  of  history^  of 
engaging  interest. 

^^Take  him  all  in  all,  as  pioneer,  as  soldier, 
as  fighter  for  the  right,  as  worker  in  the  church, 
as  enemy  of  the  saloon,  as  father  and  friend  of 
his  family,  as  orator,  as  leader  of  movements, 
dying  without  an  unclean  dollar  sticking  to  his 
palm,  without  an  unclean  record  to  suppress, 
how  shall  we  estimate  his  seventy  years  in 
Iowa?    His  failure  to  be  with  the  majority,  to 


432  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

win  the  honors  of  place  and  power,  may  be  the 
measure  of  his  failure  to  properly  judge  the 
needs  of  his  time.  And,  again,  it  may  mean 
merely  that  he  was  somewhat  ahead  of  his 
time,    a    skirmisher    ^who    drove    the    pickets 

jj^J   M344 

Major  John  F.  Lacey,  Weaver's  political  op- 
ponent in  the  sixth  district  in  1888  and  1898, 
emphasized  the  fact  that  he  was  criticized  ^^for 
his  radicalism  but  lived  to  see  the  wildest  of  his 
political  principles  competed  for  by  opposing 
political  parties  each  claiming  to  have  'seen  it 
first'.  Gen.  Weaver  had  a  fine  sense  of  humor 
and  in  the  last  few  years  greatly  enjoyed  the 
spectacle  of  his  old  political  opponents  mas- 
querading in  his  old  clothes  ....  He  had 
seen  many  victories  and  many  defeats,  but  I 
think  the  victory  of  his  life  was  when  his  two 
little  granddaughters  pulled  the  cords  that  ex- 
posed his  portrait  to  the  view  of  the  assembled 
multitude.  "3^-5 

The  Sioux  City  Tribune  described  General 
Weaver  as  a  man  of  '^  prophetic  vision.  Social, 
political  and  industrial  evils  which  he  pointed 
out  years  ago  are  today  acknowledged  to  exist 
by  every  person  familiar  with  current  national 
affairs,  and  to  their  extermination  is  being  de- 
voted the  best  thought  and  tlie  highest  states- 
manship of  the  United  States. 

**When  General  Weaver  becran  his  crusade 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  433 

as  niie  first  insurgent',  lie  met  the  nsual  scorn 
and  contumely  heaped  upon  men  who  are  in 
advance  of  their  time.  Interests  which  his  agi- 
tation threatened,  combined  with  a  public  as 
yet  unawakened  to  the  evils  which  Weaver  so 
clearly  perceived,  joined  in  making  him  the 
most  unpopular  man  in  Iowa,  and  for  years  he 
was  the  target  for  ridicule,  abuse,  contempt  and 
hatred. 

^^  Times  have  changed  and  so  has  the  public 
attitude  toward  General  Weaver.  Men  have 
come  almost  universally  to  recognize  that  the 
evils  and  dangers  which  he  emphasized  and 
condemned  were  and  are  real.  It  is  unneces- 
sary to  agree  with  all  his  political  views  to  con- 
cede that  in  him  were  elements  of  a  high  order 
of  greatness,  nor  need  it  be  admitted  that  the 
remedies  he  suggested  were  infallibly  wise  and 
practical.  But  the  fact  remains  that  he  fought 
his  fight  according  to  the  best  light  given  him; 
that  he  kept  the  faith,  and  lived  to  see  most  of 
the  ideas  which  were  once  ridiculed  as  the 
dreams  of  a  crank  become  the  accepted  political 
doctrines  of  the  people  of  Iowa  and  of  the  coun- 
try at  large  ....  In  his  closing  years 
there  must  have  been  consolation  for  him  in  the 
fact  that  the  old  bitterness  with  which  he  was 
once  regarded  had  passed  away,  and  that  he 
had  come  to  enjoy  the  esteem,  confidence  and 
admiration  of  his  fellow  citizens  of  the  Hawk- 
eye  state. ''^^^ 

29 


434  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Congressman  N.  E.  Kendall,  who  represented 
the  sixth  district  from  1909  to  1913,  announced 
General  Weaver  ^s  death  to  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives  on  February  8th  in  the  customary 
way.  He  spoke  of  his  career  as  ^4n  many 
notable  respects  ....  without  parallel  in 
the  political  history  of  the  American  Eepublic. 
From  the  day  of  his  youth,  when  he  volunteered 
as  a  private  soldier  in  the  Second  Iowa  Infan- 
try, to  the  day  of  his  death  at  three  score  and 
nine  years,  he  was  constantly  on  the  firing  line, 
advancing  some  policy  which  he  enthusiastic- 
ally favored  or  combating  some  principle  which 
he  earnestly  condemned.  He  w^as  a  natural 
polemic,  whether  in  official  position  or  in  hon- 
orable retirement,  always  amply  armed  for  any 
controversy,  and  challenging  conflict  with  any 
adversary  he  might  encounter.  He  never  hesi- 
tated to  espouse  a  cause  unfamiliar  or  unpop- 
ular, and  he  would' struggle  to  the  uttermost  to 
vindicate  the  beliefs  he  entertained.  While  he 
did  not  always  achieve  victory,  he  never  con- 
fessed defeat  ....  many  men  differed 
from  the  opinions  he  defended,  but  all  men  rec- 
ognized his  sincerity  of  conviction  and  his 
integrity  of  purpose.  His  life  is  an  inspiring 
illustration  of  extraordinary  ability,  of  unex- 
ampled energy,  of  unblemished  character  —  all 
devoted  with  unfaltering  fidelity  to  the  welfare 
of  his  fellow  men."^^^ 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  435 

Another  recognition  of  Weaver  ^s  life  and 
work  came  three  years  after  his  death  when  his 
old  home  in  Bloomfield  was  dedicated  for  public 
use  by  the  Davis  County  Chautauqua  Associa- 
tion as  Weaver  Park.  The  purchase  of  the  old 
homestead  was  the  completion  of  a  plan  con- 
ceived four  or  ^ve  years  earlier  to  provide 
suitable  grounds  for  the  association  which  had 
been  established  in  1905  and  had  had  remark- 
able success  under  rather  adverse  financial  con- 
ditions. The  old  Weaver  homestead  had  from 
the  start  been  looked  upon  with  a  great  deal  of 
favor  as  a  site  for  the  purpose,  and  a  year  be- 
fore a  few  enterprising  men  of  the  county  had 
started  a  subscription  list  to  raise  funds.  The 
ground  was  purchased  for  $4500,  and  an  option 
was  held  by  the  association  upon  some  adjoin- 
ing land  which  would  cost  about  $1400.  It  was 
estimated  that  to  improve  the  grounds,  beautify 
them,  and  build  a  coliseum,  would  cost  nearly 
$9000. 

The  plan  was  to  preserve  the  house  built  by 
General  Weaver,  and  occupied  by  him  for  a 
number  of  years  as  his  home.  Part  of  it  would 
probably  be  used  by  the  caretaker,  and  the  rest 
would  form  a  kind  of  community  home.  The 
plan  was  not  confined  to  the  Chautauqua  alone, 
although  it  had  taken  the  initiative,  but  it  was 
*^a  movement  on  behalf  of  the  people  of  the 
county  to  buy  and  convert  into  a  park  the  home 


436  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

of  its  most  distinguished  citizen  as  a  perpetual 
memorial  to  that  great  statesman,  brave  sol- 
dier and  true  reformer,  a  man  whose  relation 
to  his  wife,  to  his  family  and  neighbors  was 
pure  and  in  every  way  ideal".  The  people  of 
the  county  were  asked  to  help  in  two  ways  — 
by  patronizing  the  Chautauqua  liberally,  and  by 
subscribing  for  the  stock  of  the  association 
which  was  sold  at  $10  a  share.  About  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  residents  of  the  county  had 
already  subscribed  for  from  one  to  twenty-five 
shares. 

The  dedication  of  the  Weaver  Park  occurred 
on  August  18,  1915,  and  the  program  consisted 
of  introductory  and  explanatory  remarks  by 
Congressman-elect  C.  W.  Ramseyer,  a  state- 
ment concerning  the  history  of  the  grounds  by 
James  B.  Weaver,  Jr.,  and  the  dedicatory  ad- 
dress by  William  J.  Bryan.  Governors  Carroll 
and  Clarke  were  prevented  from  coming  by 
previous  engagements.  Of  the  Congressmen 
living  in  the  district,  all  of  whom  had  been  in- 
vited, ex-Congressman  F.  E.  White  and  N.  E. 
Kendall  sent  their  regrets,  while  ex-Congress- 
man D.  W.  Hamilton  and  Congressman  Sant 
Kirkpatrick  were  present.  The  members  of  the 
Weaver  family  who  attended,  in  addition  to 
J.  B.  Weaver,  Jr.,  were  Mrs.  Susan  Evans,  Mr. 
Evans,  and  two  daughters,  Mrs.  Ruth  Denny 
and  daughter,  Mrs.  Esther  Cohrt  and  Mr.  Cohrt. 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  437 

Mr.  Bryan  began  his  address  by  commenting 
upon  the  undertaking  embodied  in  Weaver  Park 
^'as  a  splendid  thought  and  a  credit  to  the  one 
into  whose  mind  it  first  came".  He  felt  sure 
that,  if  General  Weaver  could  speak  from  the 
grave,  he  would  be  especially  gratified  with  the 
plan  ^^to  make  of  his  home  a  civic  center".  He 
then  referred  to  the  pleasure  with  which  he  had 
participated  in  the  presentation  of  General 
Weaver's  portrait  a  few  years  ago.  He  also 
volunteered  to  help  in  the  financing  of  the  enter- 
prise and  subscribed  for  ^Ye  shares. 

^^You  who  loved  General  Weaver  while  he 
was  among  you  as  a  citizen  may  have  had  more 
intimate  acquaintance  with  him,  so  far  as  it 
pertains  to  the  details  of  his  life,  and  you  have 
had  more  opportunity  than  I  have  had  to  talk 
with  him  and  to  profit  by  his  conversation,  but 
none  of  you  were  ever  nearer  to  him  than  I  felt 
that  I  was,  and  I  feel  sure  that  none  of  you  ever 
felt  more  benefit  from  what  he  said  and  did 
than  I  did,  and  it  is  a  pleasure  to  me  to  asso- 
ciate myself  and  my  family  with  this  movement 
that  is  to  commemorate  his  name  and  perpetu- 
ate his  memory.  His  son,  who  has  the  distinc- 
tion to  bear  his  full  name  has  told  you  some  of 
the  secrets.    I  will  let  you  into  one. 

^^If  I  had  been  elected  in  1896  he  would  have 
had  a  new  honor  added  to  those  already  upon 
him.    I  had  not  much  time  to  think  or  plan,  but 


438  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

I  had  time  enough  to  decide  that,  if  I  became 
President,  General  Weaver  would  be  a  member 
of  my  cabinet.  In  that  campaign  none  was  more 
devoted  to  my  interests  politically  than  he,  and 
since  then  none  has  been  more  loyal  in  his  per- 
sonal relationship  or  more  congenial  in  his 
companionship  than  he  was,  up  to  the  day  of 
his  death.  I  had  the  honor  as  well  as  the  pleas- 
ure of  meeting  him  on  many  occasions  both  in 
public  and  private ;  at  banquets  and  at  his  home 
table,  and  the  memory  —  the  sweet  memory  of 
that  man  whose  life  was  large  enough  to  em- 
brace all  the  interests  of  humanity  —  that  sweet 
memory  will  always  remain  with  me.     .     .     . 

**I  am  glad  that  I  am  able  to  be  here  and  to 
participate  with  you  to-day  in  doing  honor  to 
the  memory  of  a  really  great  man,  a  man  who 
had  a  conviction  —  a  man  who  was  in  advance 
of  most  of  the  people  of  his  time  in  regard  to 
the  things  that  stood  in  the  way  of  the  people 's 
good,  the  things  that  must  be  removed  before 
the  people  might  walk  forward  as  rapidly  as 
they  ought.  I  have  long  regarded  General 
Weaver  as  one  of  the  great  pioneers  of  the 
later  days.  I  have  been  given  a  great  deal 
more  credit  than  I  deserve  for  work  that  I  have 
done.  Some  of  the  things  that  I  have  been  pio- 
neering, and  most  of  the  things  that  I  have  been 
following,  have  been  things  that  others  have 
suggested  before  I  did." 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  439 

Mr.  Bryan  then  gave  ^^a  list  of  some  of  the 
things  that  were  advocated  by  General  Weaver 
when  he  ran  for  President  in  1880",  and  re- 
marked that  he  himself  was  only  twenty  years 
old  at  the  time,  and  took  ''a  very  minor  part" 
in  the  campaign.  The  list  of  measures  in- 
cluded a  graduated  income  tax,  postal  savings 
banks,  the  initiative  and  referendum,  the  pop- 
ular election  of  United  States  Senators,  an 
eight  hour  labor  law,  sanitary  conditions  in 
industrial  establishments,  the  prohibition  of 
child  labor,  the  establishment  of  departments  of 
Agriculture  and  Labor,  the  reduction  of  the 
powers  of  the  Speaker  and  more  democratic 
rules  for  the  House  of  Representatives,  prohi- 
bition of  speculation  in  government  lands,  a 
sufficient  volume  of  currency,  and  the  expan- 
sion of  the  powers  of  government.  He  believed 
in  making  ^Hhe  government  an  instrument  for 
the  accomplishment  of  the  peoples '  will  and  the 
peoples'  good.     .     .     . 

^^Now  those  are  some  of  the  things  he  advo- 
cated thirty-five  years  ago,  and  then  as  he  went 
along  he  kept  advocating  other  things  as  he 
came  in  view  of  them.  Among  the  things  that 
he  advocated  in  that  time  were  woman  suffrage 
and  the  submission  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of 
the  questions  of  the  manufacture  and  sale  of 
liquor.  You  will  find  he  had  confidence  in  the 
people ;  that  he  trusted  them ;  that  he  was  will- 


440  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

ing  to  let  them  decide  the  questions  affecting 
them,  and,  my  friends,  that  is  the  test  of 
democracy  ....  The  real  test  of  a  demo- 
crat is  his  willingness  to  trust  the  people.  The 
more  democratic  a  man  is  the  more  completely 
does  he  trust  the  people,  and  General  Weaver, 
no  matter  by  what  party  name  he  called  himself 
.  .  .  .  trusted  the  people.  He  believed,  as 
every  true  democrat  must  believe,  that  the  peo- 
ple have  the  right  to  have  what  they  want  in 
government,  that  the  people  have  the  right  to 
make  their  own  mistakes,  for  unless  you  con- 
cede to  them  the  right  to  make  their  own  mis- 
takes, the  more  apt  they  are  to  make  mistakes. 
.  .  .  .  General  Weaver  understood  this  and 
therefore  he  appealed  to  the  people  as  the 
source  of  power  and  wanted  them  to  decide  the 
questions,  knowing  that  when  the  people  decide 
the  questions  they  will  be  determined  largely 
upon  the  principles  of  morality.  When  a  ques- 
tion is  settled  on  the  basis  of  moral  character, 
it  is  settled  for  good,  but  not  until  then."^^^ 

The  presentation  of  the  portrait  in  1909  and 
the  dedication  of  Weaver  Park  in  1915  consti- 
tute a  very  remarkable  recognition  of  the  life 
and  work  of  a  man  who,  as  he  expressed  it,  was 
usually  in  the  '^ minor  minority".  He  was  for- 
tunate in  that  he  lived  to  see  the  two  great 
parties  adopt  a  large  number  of  his  own  meas- 
ures and  enact  them  into  law.     He  was  fortu- 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  441 

nate,  too,  in  the  time  of  his  death  which 
happened  to  occur  when  the  so-called  ^^progres- 
sive movement ' '  seemed  to  be  reaching  a  climax, 
and  when  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try seemed  to  have  arrived  at  the  position 
towards  which  he  had  been  working  for  thirty 
years.  The  campaign  of  1912,  on  the  eve  of 
which  he  died,  was  the  logical  result  of  his  own 
campaigns  of  1880  and  1892,  and  also  of  that 
of  1896,  in  which  he  really  shared  with  Bryan 
the  honors  of  leadership  through  his  contribu- 
tion of  his  support  of  1892  and  his  part  in  the 
nomination  of  Bryan  by  the  Populists.  The 
near  approach  to  success  of  the  ^^ alliance''  of 
1896  undoubtedly  stimulated  the  progressive 
movement  in  the  Eepublican  party,  led  by  La 
Follette  and  later  in  the  national  sphere  by 
Eoosevelt.  The  pioneer  of  1880  lived  to  see  the 
300,000  voters  of  that  year  conceded  to  have 
been  the  skirmish  line  in  an  advance  which  had 
developed  into  the  great  army  of  progressive 
voters  of  1912.  He  himself  had  driven  in 
many  of  the  pickets  of  conservatism,  and  many 
more  had  been  driven  in  by  the  fresh  forces 
which  he  had  rallied  and  stimulated  in  his  cam- 
paigns of  education,  waged  throughout  the 
country  almost  continuously  from  1880  down  to 
his  death  in  1912. 

His  last  important  public  address  at  a  me- 
morial  service   in   honor   of  the   late   Carroll 


442  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Wright,  shortly  after  his  death  in  October, 
1911,  brings  out  very  clearly  his  fundamental 
beliefs  and  the  principles  which  controlled  his 
personal  and  public  life.  In  this  address 
General  Weaver  declared  that  'Hhe  most  won- 
derful and  fascinating  phenomenon  in  the 
whole  sphere  of  human  association  is  person- 
ality. The  thing  we  cherish  most  in  history  is 
not  so  much  the  record  of  events  as  the  revela- 
tion of  men  and  women. 

*^A  country  is  great,  not  through  its  mag- 
nificent scenery,  delightful  climate  and  varied 
resources,  but  because  of  the  men  and  women 
who  give  it  its  national  character.  More  than 
our  traditions,  memories,  poetry,  literature  and 
art  are  our  personal  heroes.  In  our  own  pri- 
vate life,  what  we  value  most  is  not  our  homes, 
lands,  commerce,  wealth,  culture  and  progress, 
but  our  friends  —  our  loved  ones. 

'^It  is  the  crowning  charm  of  revelation  that 
God  has  revealed  himself  to  man  in  the  person- 
ality of  Jesus  —  a  being  of  real  flesh  and  blood, 
a  hero  of  heroes,  who  could  be  seen  and  who 
walked,  talked,  worked,  ate,  slept  and  wept.  It 
is  a  constant  source  of  thankfulness  that  he  is 
not  mere  cold  abstraction  or  principle,  but  a 
real  person  whom  we  can  touch  with  our  con- 
sciousness and  embrace  with  our  arms  of  faith 
and  love. 

Association    reveals    personality    and    ac- 


ii 


FINAL  TRIBUTES  443 

quaints  us  with  character,  discloses  the  ideals 
which  guide  our  lives  and  which  intensify  and 
in  fact  transfigure  us  and  those  with  whom  we 
associate. ''^"^^ 

General  Weaver  requested  of  his  children 
that  if  an  epitaph  should  ever  be  used  in  his 
memory  it  should  consist  simply  of  the  words 
*^He  was  a  friend  of  the  poor'\  The  night 
before  he  died,  as  his  son  sat  at  his  bedside 
reading  to  him  extracts  from  famous  writers, 
he  asked  that  one  passage  in  particular  be  read 
over  three  times.  The  passage  was  as  follows : 
**I  am  the  man  who  prays  for  whoso  fares 
lonely  in  the  world,  the  folk  that  go  lost  for  a 
friend's  hand  or  a  woman's  breast  on  aching 
journeys,  and  for  all  who  know  no  lights  at 
evening,  put  I  up  my  prayers.''  Indeed  ^Hhis 
sentiment  w^as  really  an  expression  of  the  domi- 
nating passion"  of  his  life  — *^that  he  might  be 
of  service  to  the  bereft  of  the  world.  "^^^ 


NOTES    AND     REFERENCES 


445 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES 

CHAPTER  I 

1  The  New  York  World,  July  10,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Book,  p.   21. 

2  This  account  of  James  Baird  Weaver's  early  life  is  taken 
largely  from  an  unpublished  manuscript  entitled  Memoranda 
with  Eespect  to  the  Life  of  James  Baird  Weaver  which  was 
prepared  by  Mr.  Weaver  himself.  It  covers  the  period  from 
1833  to  1859. 

3  The  New  York  World,  July  10,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Book,  p.  21. 

4  Memoranda  with  Bespect  to  the  Life  of  James  Baird 
Weaver. 

5  The  Mexican  War  closed  with  the  conclusion  of  peace  in 
February,  1848.  Mexico  City  was  occupied  in  September,  1847. 
It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Weaver  refers  to  the  practical  end 
rather  than  to  the  time  when  peace  was  actually  concluded. 
Otherwise  his  dates  are  incorrect. 

6  The  account  of  the  California  journey  is  taken  from  three 
articles  by  General  Weaver,  published  in  The  World  Eeview, 
January  18th  and  25th  and  February  1,  1902. 

7  The  New  York  World,  July  10,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Book,  p.  21. 

8  Memorandum  in  regard  to  the  Graduation  of  General 
Weaver  at  Cincinnati  College;  The  New  York  World,  July  10, 
1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  21. 

CHAPTER   II 

9  Memorandum  in  regard  to  the  Graduation  of  General 
Weaver  at  Cincinnati  College. 

447 


448  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

10  Rhodes 's  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  II,  p.  58.  See 
In  Memoriam,  published  by  the  Loyal  Legion  of  the  United 
States,  1912,  p.  3. 

11  Rhodes 's  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  II,  p.  59; 
Salter's  The  Life  of  James  W.  Grimes,  pp.  33,  54. 

12  Memoranda  with  Eespect  to  the  Life  of  James  Baird 
Weaver. 

13  Comment  by  J.  B.  Weaver,  Jr.,  upon  Memoranda  with 
Bespect  to  the  Life  of  James  Baird  Weaver;  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Book,  p.  153. 

^^  Memoranda  with  Eespect  to  the  Life  of  James  Baird 
Weaver. 

15  Ilerriott's  The  Eepublican  State  Convention  in  the  Aniials 
of  Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  IX,  pp.  409,  410,  411. 

isHerriott's  Iowa  and  The  First  Nomination  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  the  Annals  of  Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  VIII,  p.  93. 

i7Herriott's  Iowa  and  The  First  Nomination  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  the  Annals  of  Iowa  (Third  Series),  Vol.  VIII,  p.  217. 

18  The  New  York  World,  July  10,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Boole,  p.  21. 

19  Clipping  from  a  Des  Moines  paper  dated  July  13,  1908,  in 
the  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  152,  153. 

In  The  Cyclopedia  of  American  Government,  Vol.  I,  p.  136, 
it  is  stated  that  the  expression  was  "used  first  by  Oliver  P. 
Morton  indicating  the  calling  up  of  the  issue  of  the  Civil  War 
for  partisan  purposes." 

20  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  152. 

CHAPTER  III 

21  Memorandum  of  Jam.es  B.  Weaver,  Jr.;  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Book,  p.  31;  KirTcwood  Military  Letter  Book,  No.  1,  p.  8. 

22  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  31. 

^^Eoster  and  Eecord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Eehellion,  Vol.  I,  p.  91;  IngersolPs  Iowa  and  the  Eehellion^ 
p.  33;  Byers's  Iowa  in  War  Times,  p.  60. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  449 

24  Hosier  and  Eecord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Eehellion,  Vol.  I,  p.  92;  Byers's  loica  in  War  Times,  p.  109. 

25  Ingersoll's  Iowa  and  the  Hehellion,  p.  35;  Byers's  lotva  in 
War  Times,  p.  482. 

26  Ingersoll's  loiva  and  the  Eehellion,  p.  36;  Byers's  loiva  in 
War  Times,  pp.  95,  96. 

27Hosmer's  The  Appeal  to  Arms,  pp.  88-92;  Rhodes 's  His- 
tory of  the  United  States,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  581-593. 

28  Eoster  and  Eecord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Eebellion,  Vol.  I,  pp.  92-94;  Ingersoll's  Iowa  and  the  Eehel- 
lion, pp.  38-45;  Twombly's  The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  at  Fort 
Bonelson  (pamphlet);  statement  of  James  B.  Weaver,  Jr.; 
Byers's  Iowa  in  War  Times,  pp.  96-104;  KirTcwood  Military 
Letter  Book,  No.  4,  pp.  105,  106;  Clark's  Samuel  Jordan 
Kirkwood,  pp.  227-229. 

29  In  Memoriam,  published  by  the  Loyal  Legion  of  the 
United  States,  1912,  p.  2. 

30  Letter  of  James  B.  Weaver  to  his  wife  addressed  from 
Fort  Donelson,  February  19,  1862. 

31  Twombly's  The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  at  Fort  Donelson, 
pp.  16,  17. 

32  Twombly's  The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  at  Fort  Donelson, 
p.  10. 

33  Ingersoll 's  lotva  and  the  Eehellion,  pp.  45,  46;  The  War 
of  the  Eehellion:  a  Compilation  of  the  Official  Eecords  of  the 
Union  and  Confederate  Armies,  Series  I,  Vol.  VII,  p.  168. 

34lIosmer's  The  Appeal  to  Arms,  pp.  96-98;  Rhodes 's  His- 
tory of  the  United  States,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  617-620. 

35  Ingersoll 's  Iowa  and  the  Eehellion,  p.  46. 

36  Rhodes 's  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  620- 
625;  Hosmer's  The  Appeal  to  Arms,  pp.  99-107. 

37  Eoster  and  Eecord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Eehellion,  Vol.  I,  pp.  94,  95;  Ingersoll's  Iowa  and  the  Eehel- 

30 


450  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

lion,  p.  46;  Byers's  Iowa  in  War  Times,  pp.  122-145;  Eich's 
The  Battle  of  Shiloh. 

38  Letter  of  James  B.  Weaver  to  his  wife  addressed  from 
Pittsburg,  Tennessee,  April  9,  1862.  The  account  in  this  letter 
does  not  agree  with  statements  made  by  Ehodes  and  Hosmer. 
The  size  of  Confederate  forces  estimated  is  double  the  actual 
numbers.  The  report  of  the  victory  at  Corinth  was  also  un- 
founded. The  city  was  not  occupied  by  Union  troops  until 
late  in  May. 

39  Hosmer 's  The  Appeal  to  Arms,  pp.  109,  218-229;  Rhodes 's 
History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  97,  173-180; 
Byers's  Iowa  in  War  Times,  p.  149. 

40  Boster  and  Becord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Behellion,  Vol.  I,  p.  95;  Ingersoll's  loiva  and  the  Behellion,  p. 
47;  Twombly's  The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  at  Fort  Donelson, 
p.  19. 

41  Statement  of  James  B.  Weaver,  Jr. ;  Boster  and  Becord  of 
Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the  Behellion,  Vol.  I,  p.  222. 

42  Statement  of  Captain  John  M.  Duffield  in  the  Weaver 
Papers;  EirJcwood  Military  Letter  Booh,  No.  4,  pp.  130,  245. 

43  Boster  and  Becord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Behellion,  Vol.  I,  pp.  95,  96. 

44  Letters  of  James  B.  Weaver  to  his  wife  from  Corinth, 
October  6,  1862,  and  from  Rienzi,  Mississippi,  October  12, 
1862. 

45  Boster  and  Becord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Behellion,  Vol.  I,  p,  96;  Ingersoll's  Iowa  and  the  Behellion, 
pp.  48,  49. 

46  Ingersoll 's  Iowa  and  the  Behellion,  p.  49;  Twombly's 
The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  at  Fort  Donelson,  p.  19;  Byers's 
Iowa  in  War  Times,  pp.  482,  483. 

47  Ingersoll's  Iowa  and  the  Behellion,  pp.  50,  51;  Boster  and 
Becord  of  Iowa  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the  Behellion,  Vol.  I, 
p.  96;  Twombly's  The  Second  Iowa  Infantry,  p.  20;  Byers's 
Iowa  in  War  Times,  p.  483. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  451 

CHAPTER  IV 

48  In  Memoriam,  published  by  the  Loyal  Legion  of  the 
United  States,  1912,  pp.  2,  3;  the  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  27; 
Byers's  Iowa  in  War  Times,  p.  483. 

49  Stuart 's  Iowa  Colonels  and  Eegiments,  p.  76.  Praise  of 
Weaver's  bravery  by  this  author  is  the  more  noteworthy  be- 
cause he  also  refers  to  his  ' '  vanity ' '  and  ' '  affectation  in 
delivery ' '. 

50  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  44,  113. 

51  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  36  (cartoon  entitled  candi- 
date Weaver's  war  record),  43,  76,  99,  113. 

52  Letter  of  General  G.  M.  Dodge  to  Weaver,  dated  New 
York  City,  October  14,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Papers;  the 
Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  85. 

53  Letter  from  Theo.  Harris,  Sr.,  dated  ' '  near  Fayetteville, 
Tennessee",  July  20,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap  Bool',  p.  50. 

54  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  113. 

CHAPTER  V 

55  Moore's  Davis  County  Disturbances  in  Beport  of  the  Ad- 
jutant General  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  1864-1865,  pp.  1419- 
1428 ;  Byers  's  Iowa  in  War  Times,  pp.  474,  475 ;  Gue  's  History 
of  Iowa,  Vol.  II,  pp.  58,  82-94,  112-114. 

CHAPTER  VI 

56  Burlington  Weelely  Hawlc-Eye,  September  2,  1865,  January 
20,  1866. 

57  Charles  City  Intelligencer,  June  22,  1865;  The  Keosauqua 
Weelely  Republican,  June  22,  1865. 

68  Burlington  Weelely  Hawle-Eye,  October  14,  1865. 

59  Burlington  Weelely  Eawle-Eye,  June  30,  1866;  The  Fair- 
field Ledger,  July  12,  1866;  The  Keosauqua  Weelely  Eepub- 
lican,  July  5,  1866. 

Qo  Iowa   Official  Register,   1915-1916,   p.   845;    Weelely   Gate 


452  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

I  ■  p 

City  (Keokuk),  October  24,  1866;  Bloomfield  Democrat,  March 
12,  1874. 

Qi  Burlington  WeeMy  Hawlc-Eye,  October  13,  1866;  WeeUy 
Gate  City  (Keokuk),  October  17,  1866. 

62Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  IV,  p.  280;  :Report  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Internal  Eevenue,  1867,  p.  xiii;  Annual  Eeport 
on  the  State  of  the  Finances,  1873,  pp.  62-64. 

Qs  Burlington  WeeMy  Hawlc-Eye,   September  28,   1871. 

^^Bloomfield  Democrat,  November  25,  1875;  Burlington 
WeeUy  Hawl--Eye,  August  29,  1872. 

^^  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  July  24, 
1874. 

^fi  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  July  24, 
1874. 

67  Bloomfield  Democrat,  July  23,  August  6  and  13,  1874. 

«8  Clarkson  's  The  Stampede  from  General  Weaver  in  the  Ee- 
puhlican  Convention  of  1875  in  the  Annals  of  Iowa  (Third 
Series),  Vol.  X,  No.  8,  pp.  564,  565;  Letter  of  John  Mahin  to 
Weaver,  October  31,  1911,  in  the  Weaver  Papers,  refers  to 
boasts  made  by  his  opponents  that  they  had  '^  defeated  that 
d d  Methodist". 

^^  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  July  2, 
1875;  Gue's  History  of  Iowa,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  72,  73;  Clark's 
The  History  of  Liquor  Legislation  in  Iowa  in  The  Iowa  Journal 
of  History  and  Politics,  Vol.  VI,  p.  361. 

70  Clarkson 's  The  Stampede  from  General  Weaver  in  the  Ee- 
puhlican  Convention  of  187 S  in  the  Annals  of  Iowa  (Third 
Series),  Vol.  X,  No.  8,  pp.  564-568.  See  Weaver's  letter  in  The 
Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  October  30,  1911. 

fi  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  July  2, 
1875. 

72  Bloomfield  Democrat,  July  15,  1875. 

73  Bloomfield  Democrat,  September  2,   1875. 

74  Bloomfield  Democrat,  September  23,  1875. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  453 

'^^Bloom-field  Democrat,  October   1,  1875. 

7Q  Bloomfield  Democrat,  October  14,  1875. 

77  Bloomfield  Democrat,  October  21,  1875.  Weaver  received 
1459  votes  to  1596  for  Wonn.  His  vote  in  his  own  township 
compared  with  that  for  Kirkwood  was  as  follows:  Kirkwood 
364,  Weaver  353.  His  vote  in  the  county  compared  with  Kirk- 
wood's  was  as  follows:  Kirkwood  1485,  Weaver  1459. 

"^^  Bloomfield  Democrat,  November   4,   1875. 

'19  Bloomfield  Democrat,  October  28,  1875. 

80  Quoted  in  the  Bloomfield  Democrat,  November  25,  1875. 

81  Bloomfield  Democrat,  January  13,  1876. 

»2  The  WeeJcly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  July  21, 
1876. 

83  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  112.  A  reprint  in  1898  of  a 
correspondence  originally  printed  in  the  Bloomfield  Bepublican 
in  1876. 

84  The  WeeTcly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  September 
8,  1876. 

85  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  112. 

86  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister,  February  23  and  June  29, 
1877. 

87  T/ie  WeeUy  Iowa  State  Begister   (Des  Moines),  July  20, 

1877. 

88  A  copy  of  General  Weaver's  letter  and  the  reply  of  Mr. 
Gear  are  preserved  among  the  Weaver  papers.  A  printed  copy 
of  General  Weaver's  letter  is  to  be  found  in  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Book,  p.  135;  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress, 
p.  6147;  The  Begister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  October  30, 
1911. 

89  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  September 
28,  October  5,  12,  19,  1877;  Stiles 's  Becollections  and  Sketches 
of  Notable  Lawyers  and  Public  Men  of  Early  Iowa,  pp.  148, 149. 
According  to  The  Begister,  Weaver  ' '  was  to  have  been  Senator 


454  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

if  the  Greenbackers  had  carried  the  Legislature.  The  political 
trouble  with  the  General  now  is  that  he  has  always  been  one  of 
the  Was  to  Have  Beens. " 

90  Statement  of  James  B.  Weaver,  Jr.;  Stiles 's  Eecollections 
and  Sketches  of  Notable  Lawyers  and  Public  Men  of  Early 
Iowa,  p.  148. 

91  The  quotations  are  from  a  letter  from  Judge  Eobert 
Sloan,  dated  at  Keosauqua,  June  19,  1918,  and  addressed  to 
Benj.  F.  Shambaugh.  Judge  Sloan  first  knew  Weaver  in  1855 
and,  in  referring  to  their  relations,  he  describes  them  as  ''per- 
sonal friends  for  many  years,  although  differing  politically  in 
later  years  of  his  life.  I  valued  his  friendship  very  highly. 
He  had  many  excellent  and  lovable  qualities." 

CHAPTER  VII 

^^  Daily  Press  (Iowa  City),  March  1  and  July  2,  1878. 
93  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  October  4, 
1878. 

^^  Daily  Press  (Iowa  City),  November  12,  1878;  The  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  October  4  and  November 
15,  1878. 

95  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  August  23 
and  30,  1878. 

96  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  August  23, 
1878,  contains  Trimble's  letter  reprinted  from  the  Ottumwa 
Democrat.     It  is  dated  at  Bloomfield,  July  15,  1878. 

97  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  October  11 
and  18,  1878.  See  the  writer's  Third  Party  Movements  Since 
the  Civil  War,  pp.  165,  166. 

^^  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  December 
20,  1878,  January  10  and  17,  1879. 

Q9  Appleton's  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1879,  pp.  838,  839.  A 
letter  signed  by  Weaver  for  the  executive  committee  of  the 
national  Greenback  Labor  party  was  sent  to  Democratic  and 
Republican  members  of  the  House,  giving  the  names  of  mem- 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  455 

bers  for  whom  the  independent  members  of  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives  were  willing  to  vote  for  Speaker  just  before 
the  opening  of  the  session. 

100  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  3,  5, 
397;  McLaughlin  and  Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Govern- 
ment, Vol.  I,  p.  391. 

101  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  225— 
227. 

Incidentally  Weaver  referred  favorably  to  a  constitutional 
amendment  giving  the  President  power  *Ho  approve  a  part  of 
a  bill  and  veto  the  rest  of  it.  It  is  a  very  nice  constitutional 
question,  however,  whether  he  has  not  that  power  already." 
He  also  opposed  ''the  concentration  of  so  much  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations",  and  favored  its 
distribution  to  various  committees. 

102  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  25. 

103  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  363, 
364. 

104  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  1164. 

105  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
1197-1202. 

106  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  26.  This  account  probably 
appeared  in  the  Chicago  Sentinel  as  ''special  correspondence" 
from  Washington,  dated  May  11,  1879.  This  speech  was  re- 
printed during  the  1894  campaign  of  General  Weaver  for  Con- 
gress in  the  ninth  district. — See  the  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  93. 
Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  Index  to 
Vol.  IX,  pp.  6,  8. 

lor  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  1370. 

108  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  1500. 

109  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  1530. 

110  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  2169. 

111  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  638, 
1088,  2047. 


456  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

CHAPTER  VIII 

112  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  22, 
59,  170,  171,  473,  Appendix,  pp.  279-283,  Index,  p.  945. 

113  Weaver's  A  Call  to  Action,  pp.  57-59;  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Boole,  p.  29. 

11*  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  1198. 

115  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
1234-1236;  the  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  29. 

116  Weaver's  A  Call  to  Action,  pp.  60,  61. 

117  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
2139-2142.  For  another  reference  to  these  resohitions  see  the 
Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  1432,  and 
for  speeches  on  the  same  resolutions  see  iVppendix,  pp.  109- 
114  and  pp.  117-121  —  speeches  by  E.  H.  Gillette  of  Iowa  and 
Gilbert  De  La  Matyr  of  Indiana. 

118  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  22, 
112,  186,  285,  924,  1392,  1563,  1570,  1673,  2526,  Index,  p.  818. 

119  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
475,  476. 

Weaver  was  given  ten  minutes  by  Buckner  of  Missouri  who 
was  in  charge  of  the  bill  for  the  committee  on  banking  and 
currency,  and  at  the  expiration  of  that  period  four  minutes 
were  added  by  another  member  after  a  motion  to  give  fifteen 
minutes  had  been  refused  by  Buckner  who  wanted  to  dispose 
of  the  bill  that  day. 

120  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  Ap- 
pendix, pp.  185-189. 

121  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  724, 
725.  Weaver  favored  increasing  the  limit  from  $500  to  $2000 
for  allowing  transfers  from  State  to  Federal  courts. —  See  pp. 
846  and  847  of  the  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th 
Congress. 

122  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
767,  768,  925,  1641,  1686,  2326,  3248,  Index,  pp.  6-9. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  457 

123  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
3405,  3406. 

CHAPTER  IX 

124  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  4227. 

125  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  March  21, 
1879. 

126  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  August  1, 
September  19,  October  10,  1879.  See  the  writer's  Third  Party 
Movements  Since  the  Civil  War,  pp.  171-174, 

127  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines) ,  January 
16,  1880. 

-i-28  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  May  21, 
1880. 

129  Weaver's  A  Call  to  Action,  pp.  83-85. 

130  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines) ,  May  28, 
1880. 

131  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines) ,  June  18, 
1880;  The  Daily  Inter  Ocean  (Chicago),  June  9-11,  1880;  the 
Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  1-3,  128. 

132  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  August  6, 
1880. 

133  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  116;  McPherson's  A  Band- 
Book  of  Politics  for  1880,  pp.  196-198;  The  Weekly  Iowa  State 
Begister  (Des  Moines),  July  9,  1880. 

134  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  6-8 ;  The  Weekly  Iowa  State 
Begister  (Des  Moines),  September  3  and  24  and  October  22, 
1880. 

135  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  4,  5;  The  Weekly  loica  State 
Begister   (Des  Moines),  October  29,  1880. 

136  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  5;  The  Weekly  Iowa  State 
Begister  (Des  Moines),  October  15,  1880;  Iowa  State  Press 
(Iowa  City),  October  13,  1880. 

137  McPherson's  A  Band-Book  of  Politics  for  188^,  p.  186. 


458  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

138  CongressioJial  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp. 
308,  309. 

^39  The  WeeTcly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  Novem- 
ber 19,  1880. 

140  The  WeeTcly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Novem- 
ber 26,  1880. 

CHAPTER  X 

141  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  2433. 

142  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  297- 
311. 

143  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  328- 
335. 

144  The  Weelcly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  December 
31,  1880. 

145  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  pp.  386- 
388,  564,  565,  615,  616,  618,  661,  733,  742,  766,  773,  2308, 
2324,  2325.  Weaver  took  part  in  the  debate  on  January  6,  12, 
13,  15,  18,  19,  and  March  1,  1881. 

146  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  Index, 
p.  456.     See  Bryce's  American  Commonivealth,  Vol.  I,  p.  97. 

147  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  Index, 
pp.  456,  457. 

148  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  280. 
140  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  2181. 

150  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  2090. 

151  Congressional  Record,  3rd  Session,  46th  Congress,  p.  2035. 

152  The  influence  of  third  parties  in  an  election  is  always 
difficult  to  estimate.  General  Hancock  always  believed  that 
General  Weaver's  participation  in  the  election  cost  him  the 
presidency  in  1880.  A  few  years  later  General  Hancock  meet- 
ing him  said:  **But  for  you  I  should  just  about  this  time  be 
vacating  the  White  House". —  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  118. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  459 

CHAPTER  XI 

^53  Sioux  City  Daily  Times,  September  30,  1881;  the  Weaver 
Scrap  Boole,  p.  116. 

154  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  8-11,  34,  116. 

155  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  128. 

156  The  WeeHy  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  March  31 
and  October  20,  1882;  Iowa  State  Press  (Iowa  City),  March 
29  and  August  16,  1882.  For  comparisons  as  to  votes  cast  in 
1878  and  1882,  see  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des 
Moines),  December  15,  1882,  and  Iowa  State  Press  (Iowa 
City),  November  12,  1878. 

i«7  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  October  30,  1911. 

158  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  22,  147. 

159  The  Weelely  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  May  12, 
1882. 

160  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  Vol.  I,  Part  IV,  p.  79; 
The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  September  5,  1915. 

161  Fairall's  Manual  of  Iowa  Politics,  Vol.  I,  Part  IV,  pp. 
79-90. 

162  Iowa  Official  Eegister,  1915-1916,  p.  542. 

i63Euggles's  The  Greenhacle  Movement  in  Iowa;  Gue's  Eis- 
tory  of  Iowa,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  132;  Iowa  Official  Eegister,  1915- 
1916,  p.  541. 

i64McPherson's  A  Hand-Boole  of  Politics  for  1884,  pp.  215- 
218;  Ruggles's  The  Greenlacle  Movement  in  Iowa. 

i85Ruggles's  The  Greenhacle  Movement  in  Iowa;  Iowa  State 
Press  (Iowa  City),  July  15,  1885. 

166  Iowa  Official  Eegister,  1915-1916,  p.  542. 

167  Quotation  from  The  Des  Moines  Leader  in  the  Iowa  State 
Press  (Iowa  City),  November  11,  1885. 

CHAPTER  XII 

168  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp.  105- 


460  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

107,    538;    McLaughlin    and    Hart's    Cyclopedia   of    American 
Government,  Vol.  I,  p.  392. 

169  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
4138-4147. 

170  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
5115,  5116. 

171  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  2417. 

172  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
1225-1229. 

173  Weaver  had  offered  such  an  amendment  on  the  preceding 
day. —  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p. 
6877. 

174  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
6926,  6927. 

175  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
7986,  7987. 

176  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  384. 
17T  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  584. 

178  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  5986. 

179  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
5981-5986,   6090-6092. 

180  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  584. 
For  petitions  see  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Con- 
gress, pp.  1862,  2080,  2573,  3136,  3756,  3860. 

181  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  384. 

182  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  762. 

183  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp.  2752, 
3514,  4063-4071,  5214-5220. 

184  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
2304-2318. 

185  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp.  2510, 
2511,  3197,  3198,  4550-4558,  8038. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  461 

186  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  5378. 

187  Congressional  Record,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
6250,  6251,  6290,  6291.  General  Weaver  and  B.  W.  Perkins  of 
Kansas  each  accused  the  other  of  being  the  paid  attorney  of 
the  interests  they  defended.  Perkins  declared  in  reply  to  the 
charge  of  Weaver  that  he  had  never  ^ '  taxed ' '  the  poor  settlers 
while  ''loafing  about  the  Departments  at  Washington". 
Weaver  retorted:  ''I  will  tell  the  gentleman  what  he  is:  His 
voice  is  the  voice  of  Jacob,  but  his  hand  is  the  hand  of  Esau." 
For  another  reference  to  the  ''Oklahoma  boomers"  see  Con- 
gressional Record,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  2308. 

188  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  7172. 

'^^^  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  384; 
Commons  and  Andrews's  Principles  of  Labor  Legislation,  p. 
137. 

190  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp.  2959, 
3761;  Dewey's  National  Problems,  1885-1897,  pp.  42-44. 

191  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp.  2965, 
2966. 

192  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  384. 

193  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  Index, 
pp.  629,  630.  See  Weaver's  remarks  in  the  debate  over  relief 
for  Francis  W.  Haldeman,  pp.  4261,  4262. 

194  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp.  384, 
4490-4492,  4973,  5321-5325. 

195  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  Index, 
pp.  629,  630. 

196  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
818-822. 

197  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  116. 

198  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
192,  225. 

199  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
672,  673. 


462  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

200  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  1737. 

201  Congressional  Becord,  2nd.  Session,  49th  Congress,  pp. 
2700,  2701. 

CHAPTER  XIII 

202  Iowa  Offlcial  Begister,  1888,  pp.  72-74. 

203  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp.  6, 
280;  McLaughlin  and  Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Govern- 
ment, Vol.  I,  p.  392. 

204  Dewey's  National  Frohlems,  1885-1897,  pp.  64-73. 

205  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
4258-4261.  His  list  of  "trusts"  was  taken  from  ''standard 
authorities".  He  referred  "to  an  article  by  Henry  D.  Lloyd 
in  the  North  American  Review  for  June,  1884,  and  to  a  recent 
work  on  '  Trusts '  by  William  W.  Cook,  of  the  New  York  bar. ' ' 
See  also  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
7358,  7359. 

206  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp.  4773, 
4774,  4783,  5005,  5006. 

207  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
4823,  4824. 

208  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
4972,  4973.  Weaver  also  took  part  in  the  debate  upon  the 
Mills  Bill,  July  11th  and  19th. —  See  Congressional  Becord,  Ist 
Session,  50th  Congress,  pp.  6144-6147,  6536. 

209  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
5429,  5440,  5932. 

210  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  p.  5555. 
In  March  it  appears  that  Weaver  interested  himself  especially 
in  the  great  coal  fields  of  Pennsylvania,  declaring  that  the 
"large  cities,  and  in  fact  the  whole  country,  is  at  the  mercy  of 
a  few  coal  barons".  The  words  seem  almost  prophetic  in  the 
year  1917. —  See  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Con- 
gress, pp.  2457,  2458. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  463 

211  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
5591-5594. 

212  Congressional  Record,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
8508,  8509. 

213  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
8116,  8117,  Index,  House  Bills,  p.  442. 

214  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
6740,  8906. 

215  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  Index, 
House  Bills,  p.  384. 

216  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
2323-2325.  In  May,  1888,  Weaver  made  an  illuminating  re- 
mark in  regard  to  political  contributions  by  Federal  office- 
holders.—  See  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress, 
p.  4678. 

217  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  Index, 
p.  782. 

218  Congressional  Eecord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
1597-1600.  September  17,  1888,  he  introduced  a  bill  ''to  pro- 
hibit the  deposit  of  public  moneys  in  national  banks  or  other 
banks  except  in  certain  cases". —  See  Congressional  Eecord, 
1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  p.  8657. 

219  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
606,  629-632,  650,  651,  676-686,  708,  744-751.  A  concise 
account  of  the  filibuster  is  given  upon  pp.  747,  748.  There  are 
several  articles  about  the  filibuster  in  the  Weaver  Scrap  Boole, 
pp.  22,  25,  140. 

220  Congressional  Eecord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp. 
1338-1358,  1363,  1378-1388,  1400-1402,  1501,  2010,  2287; 
McLaughlin  and  Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Government, 
Vol.  II,  p.  577. 

^21  Appleton's  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1889,  pp.  675,  676;  Con- 
gressional Eecord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  Vol.  XX,  pp. 
2367-2369,  2399,  2400,  2414,  2724;  United  Slates  Statutes  at 
Large,  Vol.  XXV,  p.  1005;  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Dea 
Moines),  October  30,  1911. 


464  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

Congressman  Weaver  described  the  action  taken  in  a  ''dis- 
patch" from  Washington,  dated  March  4,  1889,  as  follows: 
' '  The  Creek  and  Seminole  cessions  are  ratified  and  authority 
given  to  open  them  to  settlement  by  proclamation  of  the  Presi- 
dent. We  accomplished  this  on  an  Indian  appropriation  bill. 
It  was  a  flank  movement  on  our  part  and  proved  successful  in 
spite  of  the  cattle  men  who  have  control  of  the  Senate ' '. — 
See  Iowa  Tribune  (Des  Moines),  March  6,  1889. 

222  H.  C.  Evans  in  The  Yeoman  Shield  in  the  Weaver  Papers; 
McLaughlin  and  Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Government, 
Vol.  II,  p.  577. 

223  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  p.  85. 

224  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  Ap- 
pendix, p.  40. 

225  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  p.  2084. 

226  Dewey's  National  Problems,  188S-1897,  pp.  81,  82. 

227  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  pp.  194, 
195;  Dewey's  National  Problems,  1885-1897,  p.  82. 

228  Congressional  Becord,  2nd  Session,  50th  Congress,  p.  2218. 

229  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  22. 

230  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.   115,  140. 

CHAPTER   XIV 

231  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  25;  Pammel's  Major  John  F. 
Lacey,  p.  5. 

232  Pammel's  Major  John  F.  Lacey,  pp.  6,  25,  48,  49. 

233  Iowa  Official  Begister,  1889,  p.  195. 

234  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  49th  Congress,  p.  2966. 

235  Congressional  Becord,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  p.  6147. 

^^^0  Iowa  State  Press  (Iowa  City),  June  8  and  15,  1887. 

237  See  the  writer's  Third  Party  Movements  Since  the  Civil 
War,  pp.  195,  196. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  465 

238Ruggles's  The  Greenback  Movement  in  Iowa;  see  the 
writer's  Third  Party  Movements  Since  the  Civil  War,  pp.  196, 
197. 

239  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  26;  Clark's  History  of  Sena- 
torial Elections  in  Iowa,  p.  212. 

24oRuggles's  The  Greenback  Movement  in  Iowa;  Appleton's 
Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1889,  p.  450. 

241  Euggles 's  The  Greenback  Movement  in  Iowa;  Iowa  Of- 
ficial Register,  1891,  pp.  84-87. 

242  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  23. 

243  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  22. 

244  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  March  27, 
May  1,  1891. 

2^5  Clinton  Weekly  Age,  May  12,  1891;  The  Weekly  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  June  5,  1891;  Iowa  Official  Reg- 
ister, 1892,  p.  171. 

246  Clinton  Weekly  Age,  May  22,  1891 ;  The  Weekly  Iowa 
State  Register  (Des  Moines),  May  29,  1891;  letter  from  L.  L. 
Polk,  May  2,  1891,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

2^7  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Novem- 
ber 20,  1891;  Clinton  Weekly  Age,  January  29,  1892;  the 
Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  39. 

2^8  Clinton  Weekly  Age,  February  26,  1892;  The  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  October  15,  1880,  March  4, 
1892;  the  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  32,  38,  100,  101;  letter  from 
L.  L.  Polk,  May  2,  1891,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

CHAPTER  XV 

249  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  39. 

250  The  Weller  Papers  in  the  library  of  the  State  Historical 
Society  of  Wisconsin*. 

251  The  Revieiv  of  Reviews,  Vol.  V,  pp.  391,  392 ;  The  Arena, 
Vol.  V,  pp.  427-435. 

31 


466  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

252  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  June  10, 
1892. 

253  The  WeeUy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  June  17, 
1892. 

254  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  July  8, 
1892 ;  the  St.  Paul  Glohe,  July  2  and  5,  1892,  in  Personal  Scrap 
BooTc  in  the  Donnelly  Collection  in  the  library  of  the  Minnesota 
Historical  Society,  Vol.  XIII. 

255  The  New  YorTc  Times,  July  6,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap 
BooTc,  p.  89. 

256  Clinton  WeeMy  Age,  July  8,  1892 ;  BrooMyn  Eagle,  July 
5,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Scrap  BooJc,  p.  111. 

257  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.  49. 

258  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.  88 ;  Clinton  WeeTcly  Age, 
July  12,  1892;  TTie  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines), 
July  29,  1892. 

259  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.  50. 

260  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  41,  44,  52,  53,  58-70,  84, 
87.  There  is  a  statement  about  Mrs.  Lease  in  Weaver's  own 
handwriting  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

261  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  44,  80.  James  Harvey  Davis 
was  member-at-large  from  Texas  in  the  Sixty-fourth  Congress, 
and  was  defeated  for  renomination  in  July,  1916,  because  the 
name  ' '  Cyclone ' '  was  not  allowed  on  the  ballot. —  See  The 
Nation,  Vol.  CII,  p.  435,  and  The  CTiicago  Tribune,  August  13, 
1916. 

2Q2  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  Septem- 
ber 30,  1892. 

263  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  19,  43,  59,  95,  97;  TTie 
WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  September  30,  1892. 

264  Quoted  from  the  CTiicago  Inter  Ocean,  September  25, 
1892,  in  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  Sep- 
tember 30,  1892. 

265  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.   14. 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  467 

266  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  11,  14,  36,  44,  50,  76,  85, 
99,  113,  165.  See  Chapter  IV  of  this  volume  for  a  discussion 
of  this  episode  in  Weaver's  military  record. 

267  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  14. 

268  Statement  by  J.  B.  Weaver,  Jr. ;  letter  from  Albion  W. 
Tourgee,  October  19,  1892,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

269  Weaver's  A  Call  to  Action,  pp.  5-7;  the  Weaver  Scrap 
Boole,  p.  65;  Iowa  Tribune  (Des  Moines),  April  1,  1891. 

27oDodd's  The  Social  and  Economic  Baclcground  of  Woodrow 
Wilson  in  The  Journal  of  Political  Economy,  Vol.  XXV,  pp. 
261-285. 

^TL  Appleton's  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1892,  pp.  755,  756;  Mc- 
Pherson's  A  Band-Booh  of  Politics  for  1894,  p.  272;  McLaugh- 
lin and  Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Government,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  38,  39;  The  WeeUy  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines), 
August  19,  1892. 

272  Letter  from  A.  M.  West,  September  11,  1892,  in  the 
Weaver  Papers. 

273  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  41,  103 ;  The  Weelely  Iowa 
State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  November  18,  1892. 

274  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  19 ;  Clinton  Weelely  Age, 
November  18,  1892. 

275  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  72. 

276  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  39. 

^^T  The  Weelely  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines),  Decem- 
ber 2,  1892. 

CHAPTER   XVI 

278  Clinton  Weelely  Age,  December  16,  1892. 

279  The  Weelely  Iowa  State  Eegister  (Des  Moines) ,  February 
3,  1893. 

280  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  73. 

281  The  Weaver  Scrap  Bool',  pp.  76,  103. 


468  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

282  The  WeeMy  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  March  3, 
July  14,  and  August  4,  1893;  Clinton  WeeMy  Age,  October  6, 
1893. 

283  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  111. 

^8'i  The  WeeTcly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  Septem- 
ber 8,  1893. 

285  Jowa  Official  Register,  1894,  pp.  106,  107. 

286  The  WeeTcly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  May  4, 
11,  1894;  Clinton  WeeTcly  Age,  May  4,  1894. 

287  Weaver's  The  Commonweal  Crusade  in  The  Midland 
Montlily,  Vol.  I,  pp.  590-594. 

288  The  phrase  ' '  middle-of-the-road ' '  was  used  to  describe 
those  Populists  "who  voted  for  Watson  and  were  in  favor  of 
maintaining  their  own  organization  without  alliance  or  fusion 
with  any  other  party".  McKee  in  his  National  Conventions 
and  Platforms  of  All  Political  Parties  1789  to  1900  states  that 
it  is  'Haken  from  the  adjuration  of  Milton  Park,  of  Texas, 
who  led  the  bolt,  to  'Keep  in  the  middle  of  the  road'  "  at  the 
Populist  convention  in  St.  Louis  in  1896.  It  was  used  at  least 
as  early  as  1892  as  is  shown  by  the  following  campaign  verses 
printed  in  the  RocTcy  Mountain  News  of  Denver: 

Side  tracks  are  rough,  and  they're  hard  to  walk. 

Keep  in  the  middle  of  the  road; 
Though  we  haven't  got  time  to  stop  and  talk 

We  keep  in  the  middle  of  the  road. 
Turn  your  backs  on  the  goldbug  men, 
And  yell  for  silver  now  and  then; 
If  you  want  to  beat  Grover,  also  Ben, 

Just  stick  to  the  middle  of  the  road. 

Don't  answer  the  call  of  goldbug  tools. 

But  keep  in  the  middle  of  the  road; 
Prove  that  the  West  wasn't  settled  by  fools, 

And  keep  in  the  middle  of  the  road. 
They've  woven  their  plots,  and  woven  them  ill, 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  469 

We  want  a  Weaver  who's  got  more  skill, 
And  mostly  we  want  a  Silver  Bill, 

So  we'll  stay  in  the  middle  of  the  road. 

—  See  McLaughlin  and  Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Gov- 
ernment, Vol.  II,  p.  757;  McKee's  The  National  Conventions 
and  Platforms  of  All  Political  Parties  1789  to  1900,  pp.  353, 
354;  the  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  52,  86  —  clippings  from 
Boclcy  Mountain  News,  July  17,  1892. 

289  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  Septem- 
ber 7,  1894. 

290  In  July,  1894,  Weaver  resigned  as  editor  of  The  Iowa 
Farmers'  Tribune,  published  at  Des  Moines  (with  which  he 
had  been  connected  since  its  establishment  in  1878)  because  of 
his  nomination  for  Congress  and  his  '^ purpose"  to  remove  to 
Council  Bluffs. —  See  The  Iowa  Farmers'  Tribune  (Des  Moines), 
July  25,  1894. 

2Q1  Iowa  Official  Begister,  1895,  pp.  186-190. 

292  The  Daily  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  August  9, 
1894. 

293  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  16,  17,  37,  76,  79,  85,  91,  117. 

294  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  33,  36;  Iowa  Official  Begis- 
ter, 1895,  p.  190;  The  Beview  of  Beviews,  Vol.  X,  p.  624; 
letters  from  Samuel  Gompers,  September  28,  1894,  and  Eugene 
V.  Debs,  October  23,  1894,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

295  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  36. 

296McVey's  The  Populist  Movement  in  Economic  Studies, 
Vol.  I,  p.  197. 

297  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  May  17, 
June  7,  14,  1895;  Clinton  Weekly  Age,  March  1,  1895. 

298  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  June  14 
and  August  2,  1895. 

299  Clinton  Weekly  Age,  August  9,  1895 ;  The  Weekly  Iowa 
State  Begister  (Des  Moines),  August  9,  1895. 

300  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.   34. 


470  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

301  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  pp.  102,   143. 

302  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  27,  30. 

303  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.   37. 

soiThe  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  April  24, 
1896. 

305  The  Eeview  of  Reviews,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  265 ;  The  Weekly 
Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  July  24  and  31,  1896; 
Clinton  WeeMy  Age,  July  21  and  24,  1896. 

806  Bryan's  The  First  Battle,  pp.  276-279;  Bryan's  A  Story 
of  the  Campaign  of  1896  was  dedicated  to  'Hhe  Three  Pio- 
neers", B.  P.  Bland,  J.  B.  Weaver,  and  H.  M.  Teller.  In  the 
Weaver  Tapers  there  are  letters  from  Bryan,  dated  December 
5  and  10,  1896,  asking  for  a  copy  of  the  nominating  speech 
and  for  permission  to  use  Weaver's  name  in  the  dedication. 
When  he  returned  the  speech  of  which  he  had  made  a  copy  he 
added:  'Tor  directness,  logic,  strength  &  diction  it  can 
hardly  be  surpassed.    I  am  glad  to  have  it  in  my  book." 

^07  The  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August 
14,  1896. 

308  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  18;  The  Weekly  Iowa  State 
Register  (Des  Moines),  August  21,  1896. 

CHAPTER  XVII 

309  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  18,  27,  34,  35. 

310  jjFie  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  August 
5,  1898;  the  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  31;  Iowa  Official  Register, 
1899,  p.  232. 

311  The  Weaver  Papers. 

312  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  110. 

313  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  85. 

814  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  112. 

315  Letter  from  J.  H.  Edmisten,  dated  January  10,  1900,  in 
the  Weaver  Papers.     The  Weller  Papers,  in  the  library  of  the 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  471 

State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin,  contain  a  printed  ad- 
dress to  the  People's  party  and  independent  voters  of  the 
United  States,  giving  an  account  of  the  controversies  between 
the  two  factions  and  chiefly  devoted  to  the  meeting  at  Lincoln. 

316  Letters  from  S.  B.  Crane,  dated  March  12,  1900,  from 
Marion  Butler,  dated  April  30,  1900,  and  from  Geo.  H.  Shibley, 
dated  May  2,  1900,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

3i7McKee's  The  National  Conventions  and  Platforms  of  All 
Political  Parties  1789  to  1900,  pp.  347-355;  McLaughlin  and 
Hart's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Government,  Vol.  II,  pp.  757, 

758. 

318  Letter  from  Geo.  S.  Canfield,  May  16,  1900,  in  the  Weaver 
Papers. 

319  Letter  from  T.  M.  Patterson,  May  22,  1900,  in  the  Weaver 
Papers. 

320  Letter  from  E.  H.  Gillette,  June  28,  1900,  in  the  Weaver 
Papers. 

32iMcKee's  The  National  Conventions  and  Platforms  of  All 
Political  Parties  1789  to  1900,  pj).  330,  331. 

322  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.  112. 

323  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  104. 

324  T7te  Weekly  Iowa  State  Register  (Des  Moines),  May  6, 
1904;  letter  from  W.  W.  Baldwin,  May  6,  1904,  in  the  Weaver 
Papers;  the  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  38,  139. 

325  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  pp.  46,  70,  114;  letter  from 
Daniel  McComille,  chairman  of  the  speakers'  bureau  of  Demo- 
cratic national  committee,  October  21,  1904,  and  letter  from 
John  W.  Kern,  November  14,  1904,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

326  The  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.  96 ;  letters  from  M.  J.  Wade, 
John  E.  Clark,  Leonard  Brown,  and  A.  Q.  Wooster  in  the 
Weaver  Papers. 

327  Letter  from  John  W.  Kern,  February  20,  1909,  in  the 
Weaver  Papers. 


472  JAMES  BAIRD  WEAVER 

328  Letter  from  E.  H.  Gillette,  June  8,  1908,  in  the  Weaver 
Papers. 

329  The  Sioux  City  Trilune,  August  23,  1911. 

330  The  Salt  LaTce  Tribune,  September  10,  1911. 

331  Letters  from  A.  Van  Wagenen,  dated  November  2,  6,  and 
8,  1911,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

332  Letters  from  W.  D.  Jamieson,  dated  December  29,  1911, 
January  15  and  19,  1912,  in  the  Weaver  Papers. 

333  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  p.  154. 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

334  Letter  from  H.  C.  Evans,  February  23,  1903,  in  the 
Weaver  Papers;  the  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  112. 

335  The  Weaver  Scrap  Book,  pp.  152,  153. 

336  Harlan's  Honors  for  General  Weaver  in  The  Midwestern, 
Vol.  Ill,  pp.  60-62  (March,  1909) ;  Journal  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  1909,  p.  190;  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des 
Moines),  February  14  and  16,  1909;  a  typewritten  report  of 
the  Ceremony  of  the  Historical  Department  of  Iowa  on  Install- 
ing a  Portrait  by  Charles  A.  Cumming,  of  General  James  B. 
Weaver  in  the  chamber  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
Capitol,  February  15,  1909. 

337  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  14  and 
16,  1909;  the  Weaver  Scrap  BooTc,  p.  154. 

338  Pioneer  Lawmakers '  Association,  1909,  pp.  72,  73. 

339  Letters  of  Friends  of  General  James  B.  Weaver  Express- 
ing Views  on  his  Life  and  Character  and  on  the  Placing  of  his 
Portrait  in  the  Gallery  of  The  Historical  Department  of  Iowa, 
February,  1909. 

CHAPTER  XIX 

340  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  7,  1912. 

341  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  9,  1912; 
a  typewritten  report  of  the  Funeral  Services  of  General  James 


NOTES  AND  REFERENCES  473 

B.  Weaver  in  the  Weaver  Papers;  Des  Moines  News,  February 
7,  1912;  Pioneer  Lawmakers'  Association,  1913,  pp.  90-93. 

342  The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  8,  1912; 
Des  Moines  Neivs,  February  7,  1912. 

343  The  Weaver  Scrap  Boole,  p.  161. 

344  The  Register  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  February  8,  1912, 

345  The  Weaver  Scrap  Booh,  p.  161. 

346  The  Sioux  City  Tribune,  February  7,  1912 ;  other  news- 
paper estimates  reprinted  in  the  Pioneer  Lawmakers'  Associ- 
ation, 1913,  pp.  87-90. 

347  Congressional  Record,  2nd  Session,  62nd  Congress,  p.  1840. 

348  A  typewritten  report  of  the  Dedication  of  Weaver  Parle, 
at  Bloomfield,  Iowa,  August  18,  1915,  in  the  Weaver  Papers; 
The  Eegister  and  Leader  (Des  Moines),  July  26  and  August  18 
and  20,  1915. 

349  The  Des  Moines  Capital,  February  16,  1912. 

350  Statement  from  James  B.  Weaver,  Jr.  The  quotation,  he 
says,  is  from  the  Persian  poet  Hafiz. 


INDEX 


475 


INDEX 


Adjournment,  Weaver's  speech 
against,    151-153 

Agency  City,  waving  of  the  "bloody 
shirt"  at,   24,   25 

Agriculture,  demand  for  a  depart- 
ment of,    197,   248,   439 

Alabama,  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
167;  fusion  in,  favored  by 
Weaver,  172;  vote  for  Weaver 
in,    336,    337 

Alaska,  gold  supply  from,  154 

Albia,    208,    209 

Aldrich,  Charles,  portrait  collec- 
tion begun  by,   409,   410 

Allen,  William  V.,  Bryan  support- 
ed by,  375,  377;  mention  of, 
389 

AUis,  Edward  P.,  nomination  of, 
for  President,  suggested,  160 ; 
vote  for,   in  convention,    161 

Allison,  William  B.,  Weaver  op- 
posed by,  360;  expiration  of 
term   of,    366 

American  Bi-metallic  League, 
work   of,    348 

Anderson,  Albert  R.,  debate  over 
endorsement  of,   297 

Apache  Indians,  reservation  of, 
234 

Appanoose  County,  68 ;  Weaver's 
reply  to  citizens  of,  89 

Appropriations,  Committee  on. 
Weaver  opposed  to  power  ofj 
455 

Aguinaldo,  Emilio,  insurrection 
under,    386 

Arapaho  Indians,  reservation  of, 
234 

Arena,  article  by  Weaver  in,  312 

Arizona,  speeches  of  Weaver  in, 
346,   347 

Arkansas,  campaign  of  Weaver  in, 
167.   322.   323 

Arkansas  City   (Arkansas),  277 

Arthur,  Chester  A.,  information 
received  from,   169 

Assessor  of  internal  revenue,  ap- 
pointment of  Weaver  as,   68 

Atlanta  (Georgia),  campaign 
aeainst,  49,  50;  rowdvism  at, 
324 

Baker,    James,    troops    commanded 


by,  26,  32,  34,  39;  escape  of, 
37;  commission  of,  as  colonel, 
45;    death  of,   48 

Baldwin,  Caleb,  position  of,  as 
postmaster,    9 

Baldwin,  W.  W.,  letter  to  Weaver 
from,  397,  398;  tribute  of,  to 
Weaver,    419,    420 

Ballard,  S.  M.,  Kirkwood  nomi- 
nated by,  75,  76,  77;  telegram 
signed   by,    91 

Ballentine,  Mrs.,  Weaver  at  home 
of,    54,   58 

Ballentine,  A.  J.,  defense  of 
Weaver  by,   57,   58 

Banks,  opposition  to  control  of  fi- 
nance by,  133,  141,  142,  154; 
Weaver's  views  upon,  166  (see 
also  National  banks) 

Barbed  wire,  debate  over  duties 
on,    265 

Barker,  Wharton,  nomination  of, 
for  President,    392 

Barnett,  James  H.,  nomination  of, 
302,  303 

Bayard,  Thomas  F.,  leadership  of, 
i76;  reference  to,  187 

Bears,  hunting  of,  12 

Beauregard,  P.  G.  T.,  troops  com- 
manded by,  38:  retreat  of,  43 

Beck,   James  B.,    187 

Beebe  (Arkansas),  Weaver  at, 
322,    323 

Belknap,   3 

Belmont.  August,   187 

Bentonville  (South  Carolina),  bat- 
tle at,   50 

Big  Cedar  Creek,  crossing  of,  9 

Bird's    Point    (Missouri),    28 

Blaine,  James  G.,  majority  of,  in 
Iowa.    215 

Black  Hawk  Purchase,  boundary 
of,  2 

Bland,  Richard  P.,  discussion  by, 
183  :  replv  of  Weaver  to  insin- 
uations of,  190;  use  of  silver 
urged  by.  230;  free  silver  party 
favored  by.  366;  volume  dedi- 
cated to,  470 

Bland  Act,   223,   224 

"Bloodv  shirt",  origin  of  term,  24, 
25.    448 

Bloomfield,    3,    5,    162;   mail  route 

477 


478 


INDEX 


to,  8 ;  law  practice  of  Weaver 
at.  16;  debate  at,  21;  trip  from, 
25;  company  organized  at,  26; 
return  of  Weaver  to,  50 ;  fear 
of  raid  at,  60 ;  speech  of  Weav- 
er at,  91;  Weaver  Park  estab- 
lished at,  435,  436,  437,  438, 
439,   440 

Bloomfield  Democrat,  nomination 
of  Sampson  denounced  by,  72, 
73 ;  opposition  of,  to  prohibi- 
tion, 82 ;  Republican  convention 
criticised  by,  84,  85 ;  comment 
bv.  on  defeat  of  Weaver  for 
State  Senator,  85,  86 

Boers,  387;  sympathy  expressed 
for,   391 

Boies,  Horace,  election  of,  300; 
nomination  of,  as  presidential 
elector,   381;  reference  to.  382 

Bonaparte,  Weaver  as  clerk  at,  13, 
14 ;  debate  at,  18 ;  mention  of, 
25 

Bonds,  proposed  issue  of,  114, 
115;  permanence  of,  121;  inter- 
est on,  124 ;  proposal  to  cancel, 
146 ;  discussion  over  payment 
of,  179,  180,  181,  182,  183, 
184,  185,  186,  196,  260;  me- 
dium of  payment  of,  205;  bill 
relative  to  purchase  of,   272 

"Boomers"  (see  "Oklahoma  boom- 
ers" ) 

Boston    (Massachusetts),  201,  202 

Bounties,  delay  in  payment  of, 
153 

Bowman,    S.   Z.,   inquiry  by,    193 

Brandt,  Isaac,  tribute  to  Weaver 
described  by,  414,  415 

Brigham,  Johnson,  tribute  of,  to 
Weaver,    423 

Brotherhood,  Weaver's  address  on, 
413,   414 

Browne,  Thomas  M.,  inquiry  re- 
guested  by,   193 

Bryan,  Charles  W.,  message  of 
sympathv  from,   429 

Bryan.  William  J.,  102,  406; 
work  of.  211;  speech  b^-  348, 
381,  382;  nomination  of,  by 
Democrats,  373,  374,  395,  400, 
401;  nomination  of,  bv  Popu- 
lists, 375,  376,  377,  378,  379, 
380,  381,  392,  400,  401;  sup- 
port of,  urged  by  Weaver,  384, 
385 ;  Towne's  nomination  ap- 
proved by,  393.  394;  Weaver 
accepts  leadership  of,  396; 
speech  of,  at  presentation  of 
Weaver  portrait,  412,  413,  414; 
tribute  to  Weaver  by,  415,  429, 
430;    address   by,    at   dedication 


of  Weaver  Park,  436,  437,  438, 
439,   440 

Buchanan,  James,  assistance  of, 
in  Iowa,   156 

Buckner,  A.  H.,  time  given  to 
Weaver  by,    456 

Buckner,  Simon  B.,  30 

Buell,  D.  C,  aid  brought  to  Union 
forces  by,  38,  39,  41;  troops 
commanded  by,   43 

Burlington,  26 

Burlington  Weekly  Hawk-Eye, 
comment  in,  66,  67,  68;  ac- 
count in,  of  speech  by  Weaver, 
69;   defense  of  Weaver  by,   87 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  nomination 
of,  for  President,  suggested, 
153,  160;  vote  for,  in  conven- 
tion, 161;  eulogy  of,  198,  199; 
nomination  of,  for  President, 
215,  216 

Butler,   Marion,   389,   390,   391 

Butte   (Montana).  Weaver  at,  321 

Byers,  H.  W.,  411;   toast  by,  413 

Caine,  M.  J.,  nomination  of,  for 
Governor,  296 ;  presence  of,  at 
National  Union  Labor  conven- 
tion,  297 

Caldwell,   Judge,   369 

Caldwell,  H.  Clay,  approval  of 
Weaver's   speech  by,    19,    20 

California,  journey  of  Weaver  to, 
11,  12,  13,  447;  free  speech 
prohibited  in,  147;  Weaver's 
campaign  in,  319,  320-  vote 
for  Weaver  in,    338 

Call  to  Action,  A,  extracts  from. 
331,  332.  333:  comment  on,  334 

Campbell,  Alexander,  vote  for,  in 
convention.    161 

Campbell,  Daniel,  choice  of,  as 
delegate  to  national  convention, 
159 

Campbell,  Frank  T.,  Weaver  nom- 
inated for  Governor  bv  75; 
election  contested  bv,  218 

Canfield,  George  S..  letter  to 
Weaver  from,   392,   393 

Cannon,    Joseph   G.,    249 

Cannon,   bill   to   donate,    272 

Capitol,  collection  of  portraits  in, 
410 

Carlisle,  John  G.,  election  of,  as 
Sneakor,  218,  258;  reference  to, 
274 

Carpenter,  Cyrus  C,  supplies  paid 
for  by,   53.   54 

Carr.  E.  M.,  election  of,  as  dele- 
gate.  398 

Carroll.  B.  F..  412.  436;  toast  bv. 
413;   tribute  of.  to  Weaver,  418 

Cases,  transfer  of,  456 


INDEX 


479 


Cass,  Lewis,  vote  of  Iowa  for,   17 

Cass  County  (Michigan),  Weaver 
family  in,  2 

Cassopolis    (Michigan),    2 

Cattle  men,  opposition  of,  to  open- 
ing of  Oklahoma,  279;  defeat 
of,    464 

Cattle  syndicates,  use  of  public 
land  by,  236,  237,  238,  241 

Cedar  Rapids,   convention  at,   258 

"Center,    Party   of   the",    151 

Chambers,  B.  J.,  nomination  of, 
for  Vice  President,   161 

Charleston  (Missouri),  expedition 
to,   33 

Chase,  Solon,  assistance  of,  in 
Iowa,  156;  vote  for,  in  conven- 
tion,  161 

Chattanooga    (Tennessee),   37 

Chequest  Creek,  3 

Cherokee  Indians,  234;  lands 
leased  by,  236;  lands  ceded  by, 
275 

Chevenne  (Wyoming),  Weaver  at, 
321,   322 

Chevenne  Indians,  reservation  of, 
234 

Chicago  (Illinois),  meeting  of  na- 
tional Greenback  convention  at, 
158,  215;  proposal  to  establish 
military  site  near,  254,  256, 
257;  reform  conference  at,  307; 
silver  meeting  at,    348 

Chicago  Tribune,  interview  with 
Weaver  published  in,    175,    176 

Child  labor,   Weaver  opposed,   439 

Chinese,  importation  of,  prohib- 
ited,   164 

Chittenden,  Simeon  B.,  Soldier 
Bill  opposed  by,   142 

Cincinnati  (Ohio),  fort  at,  1,  2; 
conference  at,  306,  307;  con- 
vention of  Populists  at,  391,  392 

Cincinnati  Inquirer,  article  in, 
329,    330 

Cincinnati  Law  School,  attend- 
ance of  Weaver  at,    14,   15 

Civil  War,  activities  of  Weaver 
in,    26-65 

Clark,  Champ,  Weaver  in  favor 
of  nomination  of,  403,  404, 
405 ;  defeat  of,  406 ;  message 
of   sympathy   from,    429  • 

Clarke,   George  W.,   436 

Clarke,  Sidney,  settlers  represent- 
ed by,   238 

Clarkson,  James  S.,  comment  by, 
on  defeat  of  Weaver  in  1875, 
77,  78,  79:  reference  to,  410; 
tribute  to  Weaver  by,   417,   418 

Cleveland,  Grover,  election  of, 
211;  reference  to,  237;  mes- 
sage   of,    concerning    strike    on 


railways,  245 ;  annual  message 
of,  259 ;  Oklahoma  bill  signed 
by,  276;  settlers  removed  by 
order  of,  278;  bill  to  refund 
direct  tax  vetoed  by,  285 ;  tariff 
policy  of,  287;  Weaver  consult- 
ed by,  289;  reelection  of,  307; 
fear  of.  election  of,  330;  oppo- 
sition to,    384 

Clinton  Age,  comment  by,  on 
Weaver's  nomination,  315,  316; 
Weaver's  election  as  Senator 
predicted  by,   345 

Coal  lands,  disposition  of,  267; 
reservation  of,  287 

Cohrt,  Edward,  425,  436 

Cohrt,   Mrs.  Esther,   408,  436 

Cole,  C.  C,  speech  of,  in  honor  of 
Weaver,   317 

Colfax,  Weaver  elected  mayor  of, 
407;  reception  to  Weaver  at, 
407,   408,   409 

Colorado,  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
319;  vote  of,  for  Weaver,  335, 
336,    337 

Columbia  (South  Carolina),  bat- 
tle at,   50 

Comanche  Indians,  reservation  of, 
234 

Commoner,  tribute  to  Weaver  in, 
429,   430 

Commonwealth  Crusade,  The,  354, 
355 

Communists,   fear  of,    256 

Conger,  O.  D.,  suggestion  bv,  193, 
195 

Congress,  election  of  Weaver  to, 
101-103,  258;  activities  of 
Weaver  in,  107-129,  218-289; 
Weaver's  leave  of  absence  from, 
155  (see  also  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives) 

Connecticut,  area  of,  234;  speech- 
es of  Weaver  in,  347 

Conservation,  demand  for,  334 

Conspiracy  and  the  Re-action,  The, 
221 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
resolution  to  amend,   358 

Convict  labor,  hostility  of  Weaver 
to,   288 

Cook,   William  W.,   book  by,   462 

Cooper,  Peter,  vote  for,  in  1876, 
173 

Cooper  Institute,  Weaver  invited 
to   speak   at,    114 

Cooper  Union,  speech  of  Weaver 
at,   167,   347 

Copperheads,  opposition  of,  to  Civ- 
il  War,    59 

Corinth  (Mississippi),  37;  Con- 
federates at,  38;  advance  to- 
ward, 43;  battle  at,   46,   286 


480 


INDEX 


Corporations,  opposition  of,  to 
Weaver,  74 ;  attitude  of  Weaver 
toward,  148,  149,  150,  153; 
donations  of  land  to,  164;  pub- 
lic lands  occupied  by,  255; 
claims  of,  to  public  lands,  266, 
267;   protest  against,   317 

Couch,  W.  L.,  raids  organized  by, 
278;  speech  by,  279;  election 
of,  as  mayor,  280 

Council  Bluffs,  railway  to,  pro- 
posed, 196,  197;  Congressional 
convention  at,   359,  360 

Courts,  removal  of  cases  from 
State  to   United   States,    128 

Coxey   army,    353 

Crandall,  Lee,  presence  of,  at  a 
conference,    168 

Crane,  S.  B.,  letter  to  Weaver 
from,   390 

Crane,  Susan  Ross,  marriage  of, 
to  Henry  Weaver,   1 

Creek  Indians,  land  ceded  bv.  234, 
275,    464 

Crisp,   Charles  F.,  249 

"Cross   of    Gold",    348 

Cullom    Bill,    249 

Cumming,  Charles  A.,  portrait  of 
Weaver  painted  by,  411 

Cummins,  A.  B.,  tribute  of,  to 
Weaver,   418 

Currencv,  opinions  of  Weaver  on, 
110-129,  133,  135,  139,  140, 
141,  143,  144,  162,  163,  166, 
205,  229,  246,  247,  272,  273, 
287;  speech  of  Weaver  in  re- 
gard to,  221-227;  bill  relative 
to,  271;  need  of  elastic,  334; 
need  of  sufficient,  urged  by 
Weaver,  439   (see  also  Finance) 

Currier.  Amos  N.,  attendance  of. 
at  Chicago  convention,   23 

Curtis,  Samuel  R.,  military  opera- 
tions of,  27,  28;  promotion  of, 
28 

Cutts,  Marcellus  E.,  debate  of, 
with  Weaver,  95,  96,  97,  98: 
election  of,  to  Congress,  207: 
death  of,    207 

Daniels,  Edward,  presence  of,  at  a 
conference,   168 

Danvers    (Massachusetts),   201 

Davenport,  reception  for  Second 
Iowa  at,  51 

Davis,  David,  attendance  of,  at 
conference,    158.    159 

Davis,  James  Harvey,  speech  bv. 
323;  reference  to,  389;  nick- 
name of.   466 

Davis.  Jefferson,   187 

D.ivi.s  County,  boundarv  of,  3: 
Free  Soilers  in,   19;  selection  of 


Weaver  as  delegate  from,  23; 
raid  in,  59,  60,  61,  62,  63;  in- 
fluence of  Weaver  in,  66;  Re- 
publican majority  in,  67,  68: 
defeat  of  Weaver  in,  for  State 
Senator,    85,    86,    87 

Davis  County  Chautauqua  Asso- 
ciation,  park  dedicated  by,    435 

Dayton    (Ohio),   2 

De  Armand,  J.  A.,  toast  by,  413 

Debs,  Eugene  V.,  Weaver  sup- 
ported by,  361 

Debt,  demand  for  limitation  of, 
112,  113;  owners  of,  120,  121; 
desire  to  make  permanent.  121; 
opposition  to  refunding  of,  133, 
273;  Greenback  party  opposed 
to  repudiation  of,  138,  139; 
interest  on,  140 ;  bill  to  refund, 
144,  145,  146;  Weaver's  plan 
for  payment  of,  146 ;  payment 
of,  advocated,  163  ;  injustice  of, 
204;  payment  of,  favored  by 
Weaver,    287 

Deemer,  H.  E.,  portrait  accepted 
by,   412 

De  La  Matyr,  Gilbert,  bill  intro- 
duced by,  116,  117;  assistance 
of,  in  Iowa,  156;  Butler  sup- 
ported by.  158;  speeches  bv,  456 

Delaware,   area  of,    234 

Democratic  national  convention, 
394,    395,    397,    398 

Democratic  party,  withdrawal  of 
Weaver  from,  19 ;  weakness  of, 
66;  hope  for  success  of,  101; 
fusion  of,  with  Greenbackers, 
102,  103,  104,  107;  strength 
of,  in  Congress,  107,  108,  218, 
258;  hopes  of,  156;  charges 
that  Weaver  discriminated 
against,  168;  statement  con- 
cerning, 171;  estimate  of  175, 
176,  186.  187;  platform  of,  in 
1880,  188;  attitude  of,  toward 
Greenbackers,  199,  200;  fusion 
of,  with  Greenbackers,  207, 
210,  211,  215,  216,  258,  312, 
344,  345,  346,  359,  360,  366, 
370,  381,  388,  389;  debate  by 
candidate  of,  212;  increase  in 
vote  of,  214;  affiliation  of  Weav- 
er with,  295 ;  Weaver  declines 
nomination  by,  301,  302;  vote 
of,  in  1892,  335;  refusal  of.  to 
fuse  with  Populists,  335,  336; 
influence  of,  in  South,  336, 
337;  explanation  of  defeat  of, 
in  1894,  362,  363:  State  con- 
vention of,  367:  Weaver  be- 
comes member  of,  396,  397; 
platform  of,   in    1904,    399 

Denny,   Mrs.  Ruth,   408,   436 


INDEX 


481 


Deserters,  outrages  committed  by, 
59 

Des  Moines,  convention  at,  23,  75, 
299,  300,  301,  351,  356,  374; 
debate  at,  97;  Greenback  con- 
ference at,  107;  reception  to 
Weaver  at,  316,  317;  Kelly's 
army  in,  353,  354;  conference 
of  free  silver  advocates  at,   365 

Des  Moines  Leader,  The,  tribute 
of,  to  Weaver,  217;  letter  of 
Weaver  to,  386,  387 

Des  Moines  River,  crossing  of,  9, 
25 

Detroit  (Michigan),  interview 
with  Weaver   at,    348-351 

Detroit  Free  Press,  interview  with 
Weaver  published  by,    348-351 

Dillaye,  Stephen  D.,  vote  for,  in 
convention,   161 

Dillon,  John  F.,  attendance  of,  at 
Chicago   convention,    23 

Dingley,   Nelson,   249 

Direct  tax,  proposal  to  refund, 
283,    284,    285 

Disloyalty,  outbreaks  of,  in  Iowa, 
59-65 

District  attorney,  election  of 
Weaver   as,    68 

Dodd,   William,   farm  of.    3 

Dodge,  Augustus  Caesar,  cam- 
paign of,  for  Governor,  20,  21 

Dodge,  Grenville  M.,  troops  com- 
manded by,  49 ;  order  for  sup- 
plies issued  by,  53,  54,  55,  56; 
defense  of  Weaver  by,  55,  56; 
refusal  of,  to  run  for  Governor, 
74;  reference  to,  410 

Does  Jesus  Care,  singing  of,  at 
Weaver's  funeral,   425 

Dogs,  fear  of,   6 

Dolliver,  Jonathan  P.,  Weaver  op- 
posed   by,    360 

Dominion  Cattle  Company  of  Can- 
ada,   lands   leased   by,    236 

Donnell,  John  A.,  defeat  of,  for 
Congress,   258 

Donnelly,  Ignatius,  307;  nomina- 
tion of,  for  Vice  President,  392 

Douglas,    Stephen  A.,   187 

Dred  Scott  decision,  debate  over, 
21 

Duckworth,  John  A.,  capture  of 
Fort  Donelson  described  by,  36, 
37 

Duffield,  John  M.,  account  by,  of 
Weaver's  promotion,  45,  46,  47, 
48 

Edmisten,  J.  H.,  letter  to  Weaver 

from,   389 
Eight  hour  labor  law.   Weaver   in 

favor  of,  439 

32 


Elections,  debate  on  use  of  troops 
at,  108,  109 ;  minority  report 
on,    139,    140,    197 

Elections,  Committee  on.  Weaver 
appointed  member  of,  108 ;  mi- 
nority report  from,  139,  140, 
197 

Elizabethtown  (New  Jersey),  1 

Ely's   Ford.    2 

England,  demonetization  of  silver 
in,    120 

English,  participation  of,  in  elec- 
tion,  291 

English  sparrows,  incident  con- 
cerning,   292 

Entailed  estates,  prohibition  of, 
148 

Equal  suffrage,  demand  for,  352 
(see  also  Woman  suffrage) 

Evans,   F.   V.,   song  by,   425 

Evans,  H.  C,  letter  to  Weaver 
from,  407;  death  of  Weaver  at 
home  of,  424 ;  reference  to,  425, 
436 

Evans,  Mrs.   Susan,   408.   436 

Ewing,    Thomas,    137,    187,    188 

Expenditures  in  the  Treasury  De- 
partment, Committee  on.  Weav- 
er  appointed  to,    108 

Fairfield.  W.  B.,  74;  nomination 
of,   for  Governor,    75,    76 

Fairfield,  mail  route  to,  8 ;  post- 
master at.  9 

Faneuil  Hall,  speech  of  Weaver 
in,    167 

Farmers'  Alliance,  delegates  from, 
300:  candidate  of,  305  (see  also 
Southern  Alliance  and  South- 
ern  Farmers'   Alliance) 

Farmers'   Tribuve,   letter   in,    371 

Farming,    unprofitableness  of.    305 

Farms,  increase  in  size  of,  243, 
244 

Federal  Reserve  Act,  currency  con- 
trolled by,   154;   need  of,   334 

Field,  James  G.,  nomination  of, 
for  Vice  President,  314;  refer- 
ence to,   323 

Fifer.  Orien  W.,  tribute  to  Weaver 
by,  426.  427 

Fiftieth  Congress,  activities  of 
Weaver  in,   258-289 

Fifty-second  Indiana  Infantry,  as- 
sault by,    31,   35 

Filibuster,  part  of  Weaver  in,  278, 
274,   275,   463 

Finance,  opinions  of  Weaver  on, 
110-129,  133,  135,  138,  164, 
165,  166.  229,  246,  247,  287; 
interest  of  Weaver  in  questions 
of,  140,  143,  144;  Weaver's 
speech   on,    221-227;   bills  rela- 


482 


INDEX 


tive  to,  271  (see  also  Currency 
and  Debt) 

Fisher,  H.  G.,  debate  by,  116,  117 

Florida,  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
326 

Floyd,   John  B.,   30 

Fort  Donelson  (Tennessee),  cap- 
ture of,  29-37:  mention  of,  61, 
142 

Fort  Henry  (Tennessee),  capture 
of,    29 

Fort  Jefferson    (Kentucky),  28 

Fort  Worth  (Texas),  attack  on 
abolitionist  at,   24 

Forty-sixth  Congress,  Weaver's 
record  in,    107-154,   179-200 

Forty-ninth  Congress,  activities  of 
Weaver  in,   218-257 

Fourteenth  Iowa  Infantry,  assault 
bv,  31,  35;  reference  to,  39,  40, 
42 

Fractional  paper  currency,  pro- 
posal to  redeem,  114,  115,  146; 
bill  to  provide  for  issuing  of, 
128;  demand  for,  229 

France,  per  capita  money  of,   143 

Frederick,  B.  T.,  nomination  of, 
suggested,    296 

Free  Soil  party.  Weaver's  affilia- 
tion with,    18,    19 

Free  trade,    291 

Fremont,  John  C.,  vote  of  Iowa 
for,    17 

Fremont  County,  outrages  in,  59 

French  Revolution,  comparison  of 
the  United  States  with  France 
at  the  time  of,  341 

Fresno  (California),  Weaver  at, 
320 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  debate  of 
Kirkwood  and  Dodge  over,  21, 
22 

Funding  Act,  history  of,  176,  179, 
180,  181,  182,  184,  185,  196, 
197 

Funding  Bill,  opposition  of  Weav- 
er to,    152 

Funston,  E.  H.,  debate  of  Weaver 
with,   265 

Fusion,  102,  103,  104,  107,  172, 
207,  210,  211,  215,  216,  217, 
258,  312,  335,  336,  344,  345, 
346,  359,  360,  366,  370,  381, 
384,    385,    388,    389 

Game,   abundance  of,   4 

Garfield,  James  A.,  vote  for,  as 
Speaker,  108;  speech  of,  115; 
reference  to,  124,  136,  137; 
comment  bv,  on  Weaver's  reso- 
lutions,   137,    138 

Garst,  Warren,  toast  by,  413 ; 
tribute  of,  to  Weaver,  418 


Gear,  John  H.,  74,  88 ;  nomina- 
tion of,  for  Governor,  75,  91, 
92;  Weaver  defeated  by,  88; 
Weaver  withdraws  support 
from,  93  ;  second  election  of,  as 
Governor,    156 

General  Assembly,  committee  sent 
to  battlefield  by,    33 

Georgia,  campaign  of  Weaver  in, 
167;  direct  tax  paid  by,  284; 
Weaver's  campaign  in,  aban- 
doned, 324;  vote  for  Weaver 
in,    336,    338 

Germany,  funded  debt  owned  in, 
120;  reference  to,  164;  possi- 
bility of  canal  construction  bv, 
282 

Gettysburg  (Pennsylvania),  battle 
of.    142 

Giant  Fallen,  A,  429 

Giles  County   (Tennessee),  55 

Gillette,  E.  H.,  election  of,  to  Con- 
gress, 103,  106;  criticism  of, 
106 ;  attendance  of,  at  confer- 
ence, 158,  159;  choice  of,  as 
delegate  to  national  convention, 
159;  Weaver  nominated  by, 
160:  letter  to,  170,  171;  defeat 
of,  for  Congress,  206 ;  attend- 
ance of,  at  convention,  215; 
fusion  with  Democrats  favored 
by,  296:  third  party  led  by. 
297;  advice  of  Weaver  asked 
by,  394,  395;  Weaver  advised 
by,   401,   402;   speeches  b^-    456 

Gillette,  Mrs.  E.  H.,  statement  by. 
171 

Gold,  effect  of  silver  unon  circu- 
lation of,  116;  deficiency  of, 
118,  119,  154:  relative  value 
of  silver  and,    128 

Golden  wedding,  celebration  of, 
407,   408.   409 

Goldsboro  (North  Carolina),  Sec- 
ond Iowa  at,   51 

Gompers,  Samuel,  Weaver  sup- 
ported by,    361 

Good  Hope.  Cape  of.  281 

Governor,  Weaver's  candidacy  for 
office  of,   74 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  res- 
olutions on  Philippine  policy 
adopted  bv,    388 

Granges,   delegates  from,    300 

Grant,  Ulvsses  S.,  capture  of  Fort 
Donelson  by,  29-37:  opinion  of. 
37;  troops  commanded  bv.  38. 
43 :  campaign  of,  against  Vicks- 
burg.    49 

Gray.    Captain,    60 

Greeley.   Horace,   132 

Green  River,  fear  of  Indians  near, 
11,    12 


INDEX 


483 


Greenback  Labor  party,  message 
of  committee  from,  161,  162 ; 
land  resolution  adopted  by,  164; 
vote  of,  173,  174;  address  to, 
177,  178;  attitude  of,  toward 
Democrats,  210;  Weaver  a  rep- 
resentative of,  454 

Greenback  party,  nomination  of, 
refused  by  Weaver,  91;  Weaver 
becomes  member  of,  95 ;  fusion 
of,  with  Democrats,  102,  103, 
104,  107,  210,  211,  215,  216, 
258;  strength  of,  in  Congress, 
107,  108;  importance  of,  112; 
opposition  to,  in  Congress.  121, 
122,  127;  political  conditions 
favorable  to,  155,  156 ;  national 
convention  of,  155,  159,  160 
215;  State  convention  of,  157 
conference  of  members  of,  157 
158,  159,  174,  175,  176,  177 
nomination  of  Weaver  by,  for 
President,  160,  161,  162; 
charges  against,  167,  168;  esti 
mate  of,  175,  176,  177,  178 
185;  principles  of,  188,  202 
203,  204,  205;  loss  of  power 
of,  199,  214;  Weaver  leader  of 
248,  249;  disappearance  of 
293,  294;  vote  of,  in  1887 
296;  delegates  from,  300 

Greenbacks,  demand  for  substitu 
tion  of,  for  national  bank  notes 
112,  146,  205;  circulation  of, 
115,  116,  121;  basis  of,  126, 
127,  230,  231;  discrimination 
against,  140,  141,  222,  223 
hoarding  of,  143,  144;  Weav 
er's  endorsement  of,  166 ;  bonds 
to  be  paid  in,  186;  retirement 
of,  prohibited,  252;  recommen- 
dation  of,   308 

Greene  County  (Illinois),  petition 
from  soldiers  in,    132 

Gresham,  Walter  Q.,  311,  312; 
suggestion  of,  for  President, 
313;  tribute  to,  819 

Grimes,  James  W.,  election  of,  17; 
effect  of  election  of,  20 ;  speech 
by,   24,   25 

Guatemala,   minister  to,    68 

Gue,  Benjamin  F.,  nomination  of, 
as   Lieutenant   Governor,    67 

Guthrie  (Oklahoma),  land  office 
at,   276;   settlement  of,  277 

Hafiz,   quotation  from.   473 
Haldeman,   Francis  W.,   461 
Halleck,  H.  W..  tribute  to  Second 
Iowa    by,     32;     delay     of,     37; 
army    commanded   by,    43 ;    pro- 
motion of,    43 
Halstead,     Murat,     suggestion     of. 


that  Weaver  withdraw,  329, 
330 

Hamilton,    Mr.,    73 

Hamilton,   D.   W.,   436 

Hancock,   W.   S.,  defeat  of,  458 

Hannibal  (Missouri),  troops  in 
charge  of  railroads   at,   27,   28 

Harding,  William  L.,  toast  by, 
413 

Harlan,   Edgar  R.,  411 

Harlan,  James,  73 ;  support  of, 
by  Weaver,    88 

Harmon,    Judson,   403 

Harper,  Jesse,  assistance  of,  in 
Iowa,    156 

Harper's  Weekly,  caricature  of 
Weaver   in,    134 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  election  of, 
259;   reference  to,   290,   293 

Hayes,  Mr.,  Gresham  supported 
by,  313 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  14;  dis- 
satisfaction with  administration 
of,  101,  156;  refunding  bill  ve- 
toed by,  179,  196;  vote  of 
Weaver  for,  187;  proclamation 
of,  relative  to  Oklahoma  settle 
ments,    278 

Hearst,  William  R.,  Iowa  delega- 
tion instructed  to  vote  for,   397 

Hedrick,   Mr.,    73 

Helena  (Montana),  Weaver  at, 
321 

Hendershott,  H.  B.,  oath  admin- 
istered  by,    16 

Henderson,   David  B.,    81 

Hendricks,   Thomas  A.,   187,   188 

Henry  County  Free  Press,  defense 
of  Weaver  by,    87,    88 

Hepburn,  W.  P.,  refusal  of  Weav- 
er to  debate  with,  213,  214; 
reference   to,    298 

Hewitt,   Abram   S.,   249 

Hill,  David  B.,  vote  for,  in  con- 
vention,   395 

Hoggatt,  L.  Q.,  fusion  with  Dem- 
ocrats favored  by,  296 

Homestead  (Pennsylvania),  strike 
at,    319 

Hotchkiss,  L.  D.,  Weaver's  prin- 
ciples   opposed   by,    84 

House  of  Representatives  (United 
States).  Weaver's  leave  of  ab- 
sence from,  155 ;  activities  of 
Weaver  in,  101-154,  179-200; 
apologies  to,    194,    195 

Howard,  Noel  B.,  response  by,  51 

Howell,  James  B.,  attendance  of, 
at   Chicago    convention,    23 

Hughes,  Frank,  letter  of  Weaver 
to,    172,    173 

Hull.  John  A.  T.,  motion  by,  76; 
Weaver   opposed   by,    84 


484 


INDEX 


Human  Life   versus   Gold,   speech 

entitled,    133 
Humboldt  Mountains,   hunting   in, 

12 

Idaho,  vote  of,  for  Weaver,  335, 
336 

Illinois,  Greenback  vote  in,  173, 
175;    mortgaged   farms    in,    271 

Imlay,   Joseph,   army  service  of,   2 

Imlay,   Susan,  marriage  of,  2 

Immigration,  Weaver  in  favor  of, 
164 

Imperialism,  opposition  of  Weav- 
er to,    386,    391 

Income  tax,  levy  of,  proposed, 
146;  debate  upon,  253,  254; 
Weaver  in  favor  of,  287,  439; 
demand   for,    361 

Independents,  hope  of,  for  suc- 
cess, 101;  number  of,  in  Fif- 
tieth  Congress,    258 

Indian  Territory,  232;  settlers 
ordered  to   leave,    238 

Indiana,  campaign  of  Weaver  in, 
167;  Greenback  vote  in.  173, 
175;  area  of,  235;  mortgaged 
farms    in,    271 

Indianapolis  (Indiana),  meeting 
at,    307 

Indians,  description  of,  4,  5 ; 
suggestion  as  to  treatment  of, 
226  j  policy  toward,  232-240; 
reservations  for,  226,  235,  236: 
allotment  of  lands  to,   253,   287 

Industrial  classes,  demand  of,  for 
justice.    111 

Industry,  The  Threefold  Conten- 
tion of,  312 

Ingham,  Harvey,  tribute  to  Weav- 
er by,   416,   417 

Initiative,  demand  for,  357; 
Weaver  in  favor  of,  439 

Interstate  commerce,  regulation 
of,  recommended,  163 ;  petition 
concerning,  197;  need  of  regu- 
lation of,   246,  247 

Interstate  Commerce  Act,  passage 
of,    249,    250,   251,    252 

Iowa,  disorder  in,  during  Civil 
War,  59-65 ;  Greenback  vote  in. 
173;  area  of,  234;  mortgaged 
farms  in,  271;  failure  of  fu- 
sion  in,    335.    336 

Iowa  Farmers'  Tribune,  The,  res- 
ignation of  Weaver  as  editor 
of,    469 

Iowa  State  Press,  criticism  of 
Weaver  by,    172 

Iowa  State  Register,  The,  com- 
ment by,  on  Sampson's  nomina- 
tion, 7i,  72 ;  letter  from  Weav- 
er    to,     92 ;     comment     of.     on 


Weaver's  election  to  Congress, 
105,  106 ;  editorial  comment  on 
Weaver  by,  156;  comment  of, 
on  Weaver's  land  policy,  164; 
defense  of  Weaver  by,  173 ; 
comment  by,  on  Weaver's  ad- 
dress, 177,  178;  comment  by, 
on  Weaver's  altercation  in  Con- 
gress, 195,  196;  Weaver  sug- 
gested by,  for  Senator,  297, 
298;  symposium  published  in, 
343 ;  convention  described  by, 
351 

Ironton    (Missouri),    28 

Irrepressible  Conflict,  The. —  The 
People  vs.  Privileged  Classes, 
144 

Irrigation,  provision  for,  favored 
by  Weaver,   268,   287 

luka   (Alabama),  fight  at,  44 

Jackson,  Frank  D.,  attitude  of, 
toward  Kelly's  army,    354 

Jackson    (Missouri),    28 

Jamieson,  W.  D.,  correspondence 
of,  with  Weaver,  404,  405; 
meeting  presided  over  by,  413  ; 
tribute  to  Weaver  from,  420, 
421 

Jefferson,  Thomas,    184 

Johnson,    Colonel,   46 

Johnson,    Andrew,    68 

Johnston,  Albert  S.,  troops  com- 
manded   by,    38 

Jones,  George  O.,  presence  of, 
at  conference.  168;  charges 
against,    168.    169,    170 

Jones,   James   K.,    276 

Jones,   John   P.,    168 

Kansas,  Greenback  vote  in,  173 ; 
speaking  tour  of  Weaver  in, 
204,  205;  attitude  of  people 
of,  toward  protection,  265 ; 
mortgaged  farms  in,  271  r  emi- 
gration to  Indian  Territory 
from,  278;  vote  of.  for  Weav- 
er, 335,  336,  387;  Weaver's 
educational  campaign  in,   349 

Kansas  City  (Missouri),  Demo- 
cratic   convention    at,    394,    395 

Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  effect  of, 
16,    17 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  vote  of 
Iowa  delegation  on,  17;  debate 
on,    18 

Kasson,  John  A.,  election  of,  to 
Congress.   206 

Kellv's  armv,  march  of,  through 
Iowa,    353.    354 

Kendall.  N.  E.,  tribute  of.  to 
Weaver.  421.  422.  434;  refer- 
ence to,    436 


INDEX 


485 


Kentucky,  Greenback  vote  in, 
173;  debate  upon  income  tax 
paid  by  warden  of  penitentiary 
of,  253,  254;  direct  tax  paid 
by,    284 

Kenworthy,  W,  S.,  attendance  of, 
at   convention,    215 

Keokuk,  rendezvous  of  troops  at, 
27 

Keokuk  County,  violence  in,  59 

Keosauqua,  arrival  of  Weaver 
family  at,  2 ;  speech  of  Weaver 
at,  19,  20;  mention  of,  25; 
company  transported  to,    27 

Kern,  John  W.,  Weaver  associ- 
ated   with,    401 

Ketchum,    Mrs.    Laura,    408 

Kinne,   L.   G.,   213 

Kiowa  Indians,  reservation  of, 
234 

Kirkpatrick,    Sant,    436 

Kirkwood,  Samuel  J.,  campaign 
of,  for  Governor,  20,  21;  elec- 
tion of,  as  Governor,  22,  75 ; 
attendance  of,  at  Chicago  con- 
vention, 23 ;  company  offered 
to,  26;  license  favored  by,  82; 
Weaver  defeated  by,  88;  vote 
for,    453 

Knights  of  Labor,  delegates  from, 
300;   political  activities  of,    341 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  out- 
rages committed  by,   59 

Kyle,  James  H,,  nomination  of, 
313,    314 

Labor,  demand  for  justice  to.   111 

Labor,  Department  of,  bill  to  es- 
tablish, 244;  proposed  changes 
in,  270,  271;  establishment  of, 
favored  by  Weaver,    288,   439 

Labor  organizations,   fear  of,    256 

Labor  representatives,  number  of, 
in   Fiftieth   Congress,    258 

Lacey,  John  F.,  Weaver  defeated 
by,  290,  291,  292,  293,  385; 
tribute  of,  to  Weaver,  412,   432 

La  Follette,  Robert  M.,  249,  397, 
403 

La  Grange  (Tennessee),  Second 
Iowa  at,  49 

Land,  opposition  of  Weaver  to 
proposed  donation  of,  254,  255 ; 
debate  over  disposition  of,  266, 
267,    268 

Land  Claims,  Committee  on  Pri- 
vate,  Weaver  on,    259 

Larrabee,  William,  election  of,  as 
Governor,    216 

Lauman,  J.  G.,  brigade  command- 
ed by,    31 

Law,   study  of,    10,    14,    15 

Lawrence    (Massachusetts),    201 


Lawyer,  Weaver's  ability  as,  99, 
100 

Lead,  Kindly  Light,  singing  of,  at 
Weaver's    funeral,    425 

Lease,  Mrs.  Mary  E.,  nomination 
of  Weaver  seconded  by,  313; 
campaign  speeches  of,  319,  320, 
321,   322,   324,   327,    328 

Legal-tender,  greenbacks  as,  141, 
144 

Legal-tender  notes,  inquiry  as  to 
issue   of,    252 

Lieutenant  Governor,  Weaver  a 
candidate  for,    67 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  nomination  of, 
24 ;  issue  of  greenbacks  ap- 
proved by,  141;  reference  to, 
426 

Lincoln  (Nebraska),  call  for  meet- 
ing at,   389,  390 

Liquor,  opposition  of  Weaver  to, 
52;  introduction  of,  into  In- 
dian  Territory,    prohibited,    277 

Liquor  party,  opposition  of,  to 
Weaver,    74    (see  also   Saloon) 

Liverpool,    281 

Lloyd,  Henry  D.,  article  by,  462 

Lodge   Bill,    302 

Logan,  John  A.,  Weaver  Soldier 
Bill  opposed  by,    142 

Los  Angeles  (California),  Weaver 
at,    319,    320 

Loughridge,    Mr.,    88 

Louis  XVI,   350 

Louisiana,  fusion  in,   335 

Louisville  (Kentucky),  Second 
Iowa  mustered  out  at,  51 

Love,  James  M.,  oath  adminis- 
tered by,    16 

Lucas,   John   A.,   store  of,   5 

Lum,  Dyer  D.,  charges  made  by, 
168,    169,    170 

Lumber,  free  trade  in,  favored  by 
Weaver,  263,  264,  265;  bill  to 
repeal  duty  on,  272 

Lynch's  Creek  (South  Carolina), 
battle  at,   50 

Lynn   (Massachusetts),  201 

McAchran,  S.  G.,  law  office  of,  10 
McClernand,    John    A.,    defeat    of 

troops   under,    31 
McCrary,     George    W.,    debate    of 
Weaver  with,   18 ;   campaign  of, 
19;    vote    for,    67;    mention    of, 
70,    88 
McDowell   College,   robbery  of,   29 
McFarland,    W.    M.,    election    dis- 
cussed  by,    343 
McKinley,  William,   249,   394;    de- 
bate  by,    272;    Weaver    opposed 
by,    360;    Weaver's    opinion    of, 
384;   criticism  of,   386 


486 


INDEX 


McKinley  Bill,  passage  of,  302 
McKinney,  Mr.,  attack  on,  24 
McLane,   R.   M.,   penalty  proposed 

by,    193,    195 
McMahon,  John  A.,  speech  of,  115 
Macon     (Georgia),     rowdyism    at, 

324 
Mahaska  County,  illegal  voting  in, 

218,    219 
Mahin,    John,    452 
Mail,  carrying  of,  by  Weaver,  8-10 
Maine,     election    of    Greenbackers 
in,    106;    campaign    of    Weaver 
in,    157,    167;    fusion    in,    172, 
210;    area  of,  234;   speeches  of 
Weaver   in,    347 
Manning,     Edward,     Weaver     em- 
ployed by,   13,  14;  reference  to, 
18 
Mansur,  C.  H.,  defense  of  "boom- 
ers" by,   279 
Marblehead    (Massachusetts),    201 
Marshalltown,    Union    Labor    con- 
vention    at,     295,     296;     third 
party  convention  at,  297;  Dem- 
ocratic  convention   at,    367 
Martin,  John,  election  of,   as  Sen- 
ator,  346 
Massachusetts,   Weaver's   speaking 
tour  in,  201-204,  347;   area  of, 
234 
Memorial      Historical      and      Art 
Building,     portrait     gallery    in, 
410 
Memphis     (Tennessee),    37;    Con- 
federate forces   at,    44 
Methodist  Church,  Weaver  a  mem- 
ber of,   52 ;   opposition  to  candi- 
dates belonging  to,   73,  452;  fu- 
neral of  Weaver  in,   424 
Mexican  War,   close  of,   447 
Michigan,  Greenback  vote  in,  173, 

175 

Middle-of-the-Road  Populists,   367, 

388,   389,  390,  391;   convention 

of,    391,    392;    origin    of   name 

of,   468.   469 

Midland  Monthly,   The,   article  by 

Weaver  published  in,   354,    355 

Militant  Clergymen,  paper  bv,  386 

Military   site,   land   for,    254^    255, 

256,   257 
Miller,    Miltiades,    25 
Miller,  Robert,  school  taught  by,  5 
Mills,   Noah   W.   wounding  of,    46, 

48;    death  of,    48 
Mills,    Roger    Q.,    activities    of,    on 
funding    bill,     181,    182;    refer- 
ence to,   249,   272,   274 
Mills    Bill,    history    of,    259,    260, 
261,    262,    263,    264,    265,    291, 
297,    462 
Milton,  raiders   at,   62 


Mineral  lands,   disposition  of,   267 

Minge,    Captain,    60 

Minnesota,    fusion    in,    335;    vote 

for  Weaver  in,    338 
Mississippi,  Weaver's  campaign  in, 

326 
Missouri,   Greenback  vote  in,  173; 
mortgaged   farms   in,    271;    emi- 
gration     to      Indian      Territory 
from,    278;    direct   tax  paid   by, 
284;     Weaver's     campaign     in, 
322,   349;    vote  for  Weaver  in, 
338 
Missouri  Compromise,  effect  of  re- 
peal of,    16 
Missouri   River,    arrival  of   Phelps 

party  at,    11 
Mitchel,    O.   M.,   report  of  capture 

of  Corinth  by,  42 
Mitchell,    A.    F.,    organization    un- 
der supervision  of,  290,  291 
Money,     kinds    of,     110-129,     133, 
205 ;   amount  of,    in  circulation, 
143 
Monopolies,     163,     164,    223,     226 

(see  also  Trusts) 
Monroe  County,  68 
Montana,    Weaver's    campaign    in, 

321 
Moon,    facetious    bill    for    railway 

to,    116,    117 
Moore,   Mr.,   91 

Moore,    M.   H.,    choice  of,    as   dele- 
gate to  national  convention,  159 
Moore,   Samuel  A.,  wounds  of.  42, 
52 ;    militia   under   command   of, 
60 
Moore,  W.  S.,  speech  by,   409 
Moore's   Opera   House,    convention 

in,    75 
Morrison,  William  R.,  249 
Mortgages,    number   of,    on    farms, 

271 
Morton,  Oliver  P.,  448 
Municipal    suffrage,     recommenda- 
tion of.   for  women,    308 
Murch,    Thomas    H.,    106 ;    assist- 
ance of,   in   Iowa,    156;   election 
of,    as    chairman    of    conference, 
158 ;  presence  of,  at  conference^ 
168;     dissatisfaction     of,     with 
Weaver's   attitude   toward  Dem- 
ocrats,   172 

Nast,  Thomas,  cartoon  by,  134, 
135,    136 

National  bank  notes,  greenbacks 
to  be  substituted  for,  112,  146, 
205;    resolution   to   retire,    229 

National  banks,  opposition  of 
Weaver  to,  121,  222,  272,  273, 
463 ;    reserves   of,    140 ;    opposi- 


INDEX 


487 


tion  to  control  of  currency  by, 
162,   163    (see  also  Banks) 

National  debt,  bill  for  refunding 
of,  179,  180,  181,  182,  183, 
184,    185,    186    (see   also   Debt) 

National  Greenback  convention, 
meeting  of,  155,  159,  160; 
nomination  of  Weaver  by,  160, 
161,    162 

National  Greenback  Labor  confer- 
ence, meeting  of,    157,   158 

National  Greenback  Labor  voters, 
address  to,    177,    178 

National  party,  151;  reception  to 
"Weaver  by,    201,    202 

Nationalists,  number  of,  in  Con- 
gress,  218 

Nebraska,  mortgaged  farms  in, 
271;   vote  for  Weaver  in,   337 

Nelson,  William,  troops  command- 
ed by,    40 

Nevada,  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
319;  vote  of,  for  Weaver,  335, 
336 

New  England,  Weaver  in,  342 

New  Hampshire,  area  of,  234; 
speeches  of  Weaver  in,  347 

New  Jersey,  area  of,  234;  speech- 
es of  Weaver   in,    347 

New  Purchase,  opening  of,  to  set- 
tlements,   3 

New  York,  Greenback  vote  in, 
173;  railway  proposed  from,  to 
Council  Bluffs,  196,  197;  mort- 
gaged farms  in,  271;  speeches 
of  Weaver  in,  347,  349 

New  York  Cattle  Company,  lands 
leased  by,  236 

New  York  Tribune,  influence  of, 
18;  charges  against  Weaver  in, 
132 

Newburyport  (Massachusetts),  201 

Newton,  campaign  incident  at, 
291,   292 

Nicaragua  Canal,  support  of,  by 
Weaver,   281,   282,   288 

No  Man's  Land,  extension  of 
United  States  laws  to,  269 

Nobility,   titles  of,   prohibited,    148 

North  Carolina,  direct  tax  paid 
by,  284;  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
326;  vote  for  Weaver  in,  336, 
338;  Weaver's  educational  cam- 
paign in,   349 

North  Dakota,  vote  of,  for  Weav- 
er,  335 

Northern  Alliance,    305 

Norton,    S.   F.,    161 

Nourse,   C.  C,  speech  by,   81 

Nugent,  J.  F.,  411;  portrait  of 
Weaver  presented  by,  412;  trib- 
ute to  Weaver  by,  415,  427, 
428,   429 


Oakland  (California),  Weaver  at, 
320 

Office-holders,  political  contribu- 
tions  by,    463 

Ogeeehee  River,   crossing  of,   50 

Ohio,   Greenback  vote  in,   175 

Oklahoma,  demand  for  opening  of, 
to  settlement,  232;  debate  over 
organization  of,  232-240;  bills 
for  organization  of,  254,  269, 
270,  273.  274,  275;  opening  of, 
to  settlement,  275,  276,  277, 
278,  279,  280,  287,  401;  local 
government  in,  279,  280;  or- 
ganization of  Territory  of,  280, 
281 

Oklahoma  Bill,  passage  of,  in 
House,    273,   274,   275 

"Oklahoma  boomers",  defense  of, 
by  Weaver,  241,  242;  activities 
of,   278,   279;   reference  to,   461 

Oleomargarine,    tax  on,    248 

Omaha  (Nebraska),  Populist  con- 
vention  at,   313,   314,   315 

Omaha  World-Herald,  letter  of 
Weaver  to,   396 

Oostanaula  River,   crossing  of,   49 

Oregon,  campaign  of  Weaver  in, 
312,  320,  374;  vote  of,  for 
Weaver,   335,   338 

Oskaloosa,  debate  between  Cutts 
and  Weaver  at,  95 ;  bill  for 
building  at,    271 

Ottumwa,  convention  at,  71 ;  bill 
for  building  at,  271;  Democrat- 
ic State  convention  at,  381 

Oxen,  use  of,  on  trip  to  Califor- 
nia,  11 

Page,  employment  of  additional, 
proposed,    140 

Palmer,  F.  W.,  attendance  of,  at 
Chicago   convention,   23 

Panama  Canal,   282 

Panama  Railroad,  operation  of,  13 

Paper  money,  exchange  of,  for  sil- 
ver, 115,  116;  bill  to  provide 
for,    128 

Park,  Milton,  phrase  used  by,  468 

Parker.  Alton  B.,  nomination  of, 
for  President,  398,  399;  follow- 
ers of,  disliked  by  Weaver,   399 

Parsons,  J.  M.,  election  of,  as  del- 
egate,   398 

Patent  laws,  bill  to  amend.  272 

Patents,  Committee  on.  Weaver 
chairman   of,   258 

Patterson.  Thomas  M.,  389;  let- 
ter to  Weaver  from,  393,  394 

Pav,   delav  of  soldiers',    153 

Payne,  d!  H..  425 

Payne,  David  L.,  arrest  of,  278 

Pea  Ridge    (Arkansas),  61 


488 


INDEX 


Peflfer,  William,   307,   310 
Pennoyer,  Sylvester,  change  of,  to 

Populist  party,    312 
Pennsylvania,    Greenback  vote   in, 

173;  mortgaged  farms  in,  271; 

interest  of  Weaver  in  coal  fields 

of,  462 
Pensacola    (Florida),  Weaver  and 

Field  at,  323 
Pension     Bureau,     appropriations 

for,    114 
Pensions,  bills  for,   127,  128,  139, 

196,  248,  271,  272;  attacks  on, 

351,    352 
People's   Independent  party,   389 
People's    party,    letter    of    Weaver 

to,    324;    failure    of,    to    secure 

order,   325;    labor   in   sympathy 

with,    361 
People's    party    of    the    State    of 

Iowa,   organization  of,   306 
People's     party     of     the     United 

States  of  America,  organization 

of,   306,    307 
Perkins,    B.   W.,   dispute  of,   with 

Weaver,  461 
Petersburg       (Virginia),      Second 

Iowa  at,  51 
Petitions,    refusal   of    Congress    to 

receive,     152;    presentation    of, 

197 
Phelps,    C.    W.,    trip    of,    to    Cali- 
fornia,   10,    11,    12;    return  of, 

to  Iowa,   13 
Philippine    Islands,     conquest    of, 

opposed   by   Weaver,    386,    387, 

388 
Phillips,      Wendell,      meeting      of 

Weaver  and,   203 
Pierce,  Franklin,  vote  of  Iowa  for, 

17 
Pierson,  Captain,  boat  commanded 

by,   13 
Pillow,  Gideon  J,,   30;   attack  by, 

31 
Pilot  Knob  (Missouri),  28 
Pinkerton  agency,  319 
Pioneer    Lawmakers'    Association, 

reunion  of,  414,  415 
Pittsburg,    25 
Pittsburg     Landing     (Tennessee), 

attack   on   Union  troops   at,    38, 

39;    Union   army  at,   43,   44 
Plaisted,   H.  M.,   letter  of  Weaver 

to,    209,   210 
Polk,  L.  L.,  310,  311,   312 
Polk    County   Democracy,    gift   of, 

to  Weaver,   408 
Poor,  demand  for  relief  of,   113 
Populist    party,     fusion    of,    with 

Democrats,    102.   344.   345,  346, 

359,  360,  366,  370,  381;  organ- 
ization     of,      304,      307,      310; 


Weaver's  change  to,  309 ;  nomi- 
nation of  Weaver  by,  310-343; 
inability  of,  to  secure  order, 
324,  325;  strength  of,  in  the 
South,  324,  325,  326;  popular 
vote  of,  in  1892,  337,  338; 
prophecy  of  success  of,  342, 
343,  350,  351;  State  conven- 
tion of,  351,  352,  356,  357, 
358,  374;  Weaver's  estimate  of, 
363,  364,  365;  vote  for,  in 
1894,  365;  nomination  of  Brv- 
an  by,  375,  376,  377;  split  in, 
388,    389,    390,   391 

Portland  (Oregon),  Weaver  at, 
320 

Portrait,  presentation  of,  411,  412, 
413 

Postal  savings  banks,  Weaver  in 
favor  of,    439 

Postal  telegraphs,  bill  to  establish, 
248,    272,    288 

Pottawattamie  Indians,  camp  of,  4 

Potter,  Mr.,  opposition  of,  to  pro- 
hibition  plank,    81 

Powderly,  Terence  V.,  Gresham 
supported  by,  313 

Power,  Mr.,  Weaver  endorsed  by, 
83 

Poweshiek  County,  murders  in,  59 

Preachers,  activities  of,  on  fron- 
tier,  7,   8 

Preemption  laws,  repeal  of,  240, 
241,    242 

President,  first  campaign  of  Weav- 
er for,  155-178;  second  cam- 
paign of  Weaver  for,  310-343; 
resolution  for  direct  election  of, 
351;  demand  for  single  term 
for,    357 

Price,  Hiram,  attendance  of,  at 
Chicago  convention,  23 ;  wel- 
come to  Second  Iowa  by,  51; 
Weaver  opposed  by,  123,  124; 
Weaver's  criticism  of,  125,  126 ; 
Weaver's  reply  to,    143 

Price,    Sterling,   286 

Primogeniture,  right  of,  denied, 
148 

Progressive  movement,  402 

Prohibition,  attitude  of  Repub- 
lican convention  toward,  in 
1875,  80,  81,  82;  opposition  to 
Weaver  due  to  his  views  on, 
87;  attitude  of  Repiiblican  par- 
ty toward,  92,  352;  effect  of, 
on  Republican  party,  208.  300, 
351;  debate  over,  308;  Weaver 
an  advocate  of,   439 

Property,  relation  of  money  to 
price  of,    119,    120 

Pruitt,  Edward,  funeral  sermon 
by,  425,   426 


INDEX 


489 


Public  buildings,   bills  for,   271 

Public  Land  Strip,  232,  234;  ex- 
tension of  United  States  laws  to, 
269 

Public  lands,  petitions  concerning, 
197;  disposition  of,  225,  226, 
232-243 ;  debate  over  disposi- 
tion of,  266,  267,  269;  bills  rel- 
ative to,  271,  272;  policy  of 
Weaver  relative  to,  287 

Pulaski,  defense  measures  at,  62 ; 
militia  from,  62 ;  meeting  at,  84 

Pulaski  (Tennessee),  Second  Iowa 
at,  49;  Weaver  in  command  at, 
53-58 ;  opposition  to  Weaver  at, 
326-329 

Purdam,  James,  farm  of,  2 

Quick,  Herbert,  poem  by,  415, 
416,   417 

Railroads,  seizing  of,  in  northern 
Missouri,  27,  28;  attitude  of 
Weaver  toward,  166;  strikes  on, 
244,  245,  353;  indebtedness  of, 
248 ;  opposition  of,  to  Nicaragua 
Canal,  281,  282;  land  grants  to, 
287;  proposed  government  con- 
trol of,  308,  361;  accidents  on, 
356 
Railway,  bill  authorizing  construc- 
tion of,  from  New  York  to  Coun- 
cil Bluffs,  196,  197 
Raleigh    (North  Carolina),   Second 

Iowa  at,  51;  Weaver  at,  326 
Ramseyer,  C.  W.,  speech  by,  436 
Rand    (South    Africa),    mines    at, 

154 
Randall,  Samuel  J.,  election  of,  as 
Speaker,     108 ;     discussion     by, 
183,    184,    185,    186;    reference 
to,   249,   274,   401 
Reading    (Massachusetts),   201 
Reagan  bill,  249,  250,  251,  252 
Recognition,  Weaver's  struggle  for, 

133,   134,   135,   136,   137,   139 
Reed,  Thomas  B.,   124,   218,   249; 
defeat  of,  for  Speaker,  258;  de- 
bate bv,    272;    Weaver   opposed 
by,    360 
Referendum,     demand     for,     357; 

Weaver  in  favor  of,  439 
Reform  conference,   307,    308 
Refugees,  supplies  for,   53,  54,   56 
Register  and  Leader,  The,  tribute 

to  Weaver  in,  430,  431,  432 
Reno    (Nevada),  Weaver  at,   319 
Representatives^,    re-apportionment 

of,   199 
Republican  party,  beginning  of,  in 
Iowa,  20;  Weaver's  activities  as 
a    member   of,    66-100;    attitude 
of,    toward   prohibition,    80,    81, 


82,  92;  withdrawal  of  Weaver 
from,  93,  94,  294,  295;  charges 
against,  101,  167,  168;  num- 
ber of  members  in  Congress, 
107,  108,  218,  258;  estimate 
of,  175,  176,  177,  186,  187, 
190,  191,  342;  attitude  of,  to- 
ward Greenbackers,  199,  200; 
Weaver  feared  by,  207;  offer  of, 
to  Weaver,  208,  209;  debate  by 
candidate  of,  212;  increase  in 
votes  for,  214;  vote  of,  in  1892, 
335 

Republican  State  convention,  at- 
tendance of  Weaver  at,  23 

Resaca    (Georgia),  battle  at,   50 

Resolutions,  struggle  over  presen- 
tation of,  133-137,  139;  rejec- 
tion of,   137 

Resumption  Act,  opposition  of 
Sampson  to  repeal  of,  89 ;  crit- 
icism of,  by  Weaver,  89,  90 ;  ef- 
fect of,  on  greenbacks,  115, 
116;  effect  of,  on  silver,  121 

Retrospect  and  Prospect,  Bryan's 
address  on,  413,   414 

Revenue,  use  of  surplus,   146 

Review  of  Reviews,  The,  picture 
of  Weaver  in,  312;  comment  in, 
on  Weaver's  defeat,  361 

Revolution,   danger  of.    111 

Rhode  Island,  area  of,  234 

Rice,  A.  v.,  troops  commanded  by, 
50 

Rich,  Jacob,  attendance  of,  at  Chi- 
cago convention,   23 

Richmond  (Virginia),  Second 
Iowa   at,    51 

Rinehart,  G.  F.,  toast  by,  413 

Robb,  W.  H.,  presence  of,  at  na- 
tional Union  Labor  convention, 
297 

Robinson,  Mrs.  Maude,  408 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  79,  397,  399; 
work  of,  211 

Rosecrans,  William  S.,  Army  of 
the  Mississippi  commanded  bv, 
44 ;  remarks  of  Weaver  on  bill 
to  retire,   285,   286 

Ross,  Betsy,  relationship  of  Weav- 
er family  to,  1 

Russell,  John,  74 ;  nomination  of, 
for  Governor,   75 

Sac  and  Fox  Indians,  treaty  with, 

2 ;   camp  of,  4 
Sackville-West,  affair  of,  291,  292 
Sacramento     (California),     arrival 

of   Weaver    at,    12 ;    Weaver   at, 

320 
St.    Joseph    (Missouri),    seizing   of 

railroads  at,   27,   28 
St.  Louis  (Missouri),  Second  Iowa 


490 


INDEX 


Infantry  at,  28,  29;  meeting  at, 
308;  Weaver  at,  329,  349; 
Democratic  convention  at,  397, 
398,   399 

St.  Mary's  (Ohio),  25 

Saloon  element,  opposition  of,  to 
Weaver,  74,  75 ;  denunciation 
of,  308 ;  opposition  of  Weaver 
to,  431  (see  also  Liquor  and 
Prohibition) 

Sampson,  E.  S.,  nomination  of, 
for  Congressman,  70,  71,  72 ; 
mention  of,  88;  defeat  of,   103 

San  Francisco  (California),  visit 
of  Weaver  to,   13,  320 

Savannah,  defense  measures  at,  62 

Savannah  (Georgia),  entrance  of 
Union  army  into,  50 

Savery  House,  banquet  at,  411 

School,  description  of,  4,  5,  6 ;  at- 
tendance of  Weaver  at,  5,  8,  9, 
10 

Seattle  (Washington),  Weaver  at, 
320,  321 

Second  Iowa  Infantry,  Bloomfield 
company  included  in,  26;  ren- 
dezvous of,  27;  punishment  of, 
29 ;  part  of,  in  capture  of  Fort 
Donelson,  29-37;  tribute  to,  32; 
flag  of,  29,  33;  losses  of,  37; 
arrival  of,  at  Pittsburg  Land- 
ing, 38;  part  of,  in  battle  of 
Shiloh,  39-42^  52;  losses  of,  42; 
activities  of,  after  battle  of  Cor- 
inth, 44 ;  service  of,  in  Tennes- 
see, Alabama,  and  Georgia,  49 ; 
march  of,  to  the  sea,  50,  51; 
mustering  out  of,  51;  camp  of, 
at   Pulaski,    57 

Sectional  strife,  opposition  of 
Weaver  to,  109,  110,  111,  112 

Seminole  Indians,  land  ceded  bv, 
234,  464;  sale  of  land  by,  276, 
277 

Senate,  criticism  of,   334 

Senators,  direct  election  of,  197, 
247,  248,  272,  287,  301,  351, 
357,  361.  364,  439:  nomination 
of,   in  primaries,   402 

Seventh  Iowa  Infantry,  assault 
by,  31,  35;  activities  of.  39,  40; 
part  of,  in  battle  of  Shiloh,  52 

Sewall,  Arthur,  nomination  of,  for 
Vice  President.  376 

Shaw,  Leslie  M.,  tender  of  services 
to,  by  Weaver,  in  1898,  385 

Sherman,  John,  leadership  of,  176 

Sherman,  William  T.,  campaign 
of,   50;  order  of,  56 

Sherman  Act,  349,  350,  352 

Shibley,  George  H.,  letter  to  Weav- 
er from.   391 

Shiloh   (Mississippi),  battle  of,  38- 


43,  52,  61,  142;  casualties  at 
battle  of,    356 

Sibley,  Mr.,   369 

Sierra  Nevada  Mountains,  cross- 
ing of,   12 

Silver,  demand  for  free  coinage 
of,  112,  116,  117,  118,  119, 
125,  126,  223,  224,  225,  226, 
227,  229,  287,  347,  359,  364, 
365,  366,  367,  368,  370,  372, 
373,  374;  demonetization  of, 
118-121,  222;  bill  to  prevent 
discrimination  against,  124,  128; 
relation  of,  to  gold,  123,  127, 
128,  166;  resolution  to  provide 
for  coinage  of  dollars  from,  133, 
146;  bonds  to  be  paid  in,  205; 
defeat  of  free  coinage  of,  302, 
303;  educational  campaign  on 
behalf  of,  347,  348,  349 

Simpson,   Jerry,    307,    310 

Singleton,  James  W.,  petition  pre- 
sented by,    132;  motion  bv.   195 

Sioux  City  Tribune,  tribute  to 
Weaver  in,   432,   433 

Sioux  Falls  (South  Dakota),  Pop- 
ulist convention  at,  390,  391. 
392 

Skirmisher,  The,  415,  416,  417 

Slavery,  opposition  of  Kirkwood 
to,   22 

Slemons,  William  F.,  contest  over 
election  of,   140 

Sloan,  Robert,  estimate  of  Weav- 
er's ability  as  a  law^-er  by,  99, 
100;  quotations  from  letter  of, 
454 

Smith,  C.  F.,  attack  ordered  by, 
31;  troops  led  by,  32,  33,  34 

Smith,  Mrs.  Charles  Dupree,  por- 
trait of  Weaver  planned  by, 
410,  411;  volume  presented  to 
Weaver  by.   412,  413 

Smythe,  Robert,   74,   75,  76 

Social  politics,  attitude  of  polit- 
ical parties  toward,  114;  begin- 
ning of,   174;  emphasis  on,  211 

Socialist  Labor  party,  delegates 
from,  to  Greenback  convention, 
160;    letter  of  Weaver  to,    164 

Soldiers,  petition  from.  130.  131, 
132,  152.  153;  demand  for  jus- 
tice to,  130,  131.  132,  139, 
140.  142.  143:  bill  to  reim- 
burse, for  depreciated  currency, 
158,   231,   272 

"Solid  South",  opposition  to 
breaking  up  of,  326 

South,  debate  on  use  of  troops  at 
elections  in.  108,  109,  112:  op- 
position to  Weaver  in,  324,  325, 
326;  Weaver  asked  to  denounce, 
330;   strength  of  Populist  party 


INDEX 


491 


in,  336,  337;  strength  of  Dem- 
ocratic party  in,   337 

South  Carolina,  direct  tax  paid 
by,  284;  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
326 

South  Dakota,  vote  for  Weaver  in, 
338 

Southern  Alliance,  meeting  of,  307 

Southern  Farmers'  Alliance,  es- 
tablishment of,  in  Iowa,  305, 
306;  mention  of,  311 

Southwestern  Railway  Strike,  244, 
245 

Sovereign,  J.  R.,  fusion  opposed 
by,  296;  third  party  led  by, 
297;  efforts  of,  to  establish 
Farmers'  Alliance  in  Iowa,  306; 
speech  by,   354 

Spanish-American  War,  Weaver  in 
favor  of,  385,  386 

Sparks,  William,  altercation  of, 
with  Weaver,    189-196 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, refusal  of,  to  recog- 
nize Weaver,  133,  134,  135, 
136,  137;  powers  of,  334; 
Weaver  in  favor  of  reduction  of 
powers  of,   439 

Spokane  (Washington),  Weaver 
at,   321 

Springer,  William  M.,  bill  intro- 
duced by,  269;  defense  of 
"boomers"  by,   279 

Springfield    (Massachusetts),   201 

Standard  Oil  Company,  lands 
leased  by,  236 

State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa, 
flag  presented  to,  33 

State  Senator,  nomination  of 
Weaver  for,  82 

"Stevens,  John  L."  (boat),  pas- 
sage on,    13 

Stevenson,  Adlai  E.,  326;  nomina- 
tion of,  for  Vice  President,  by 
Populists,  392 ;  nomination  of, 
by  Democrats,  for  Vice  Presi- 
dent, 395 

Stewart,  William  M.,  address  by, 
319 

Stiles,   Edward,   speech  by,  24,  25 

Stone,  William  M.,  majority  of,  66 

Storer,  Bellamy,  instruction  of 
Weaver  by,    14 

Strikes,  Weaver's  views  on,  244, 
245,   246,   247 

Stuart,  A.  A.,  Weaver  described 
by,    52 

Sugar  Creek  Township  (Powe- 
shiek  County),   murders   in,    59 

Sullenberger,  Charles,  425 

Sullivan,   Jerry,   411,    413 

Supreme  Court,  demand  for  elec- 
tion of  judges  of,   357 


Surplus,  demand  for  disbursement 
of,   227,   228,   229 

Sutter's  Mill  (California),  discov- 
ery of  gold  at,   10 

Tacoma  (Washington),  Weaver  at, 
320 

Taft,  William  H.,  defeat  of,  proph- 
esied,   403 

Tariff,  debate  on,  259,  260,  261, 
262,  263,  264,  265 ;  reduction 
of,  advocated  by  Weaver,  287, 
361 

Taubeneck,  H.  E.,  329 

Tax,  direct,  proposal  to  refund, 
283,    284,    285 

Teller,  H.  M.,  volume  dedicated 
to,    470 

Terre  Haute  (Indiana),  speech  of 
Weaver   at,    167 

Texas,  Greenback  vote  in,  173 ; 
land  granted  by,  256;  emigra- 
tion to  Indian  Territory  from, 
278;  direct  tax  paid  by,  284; 
vote  for  Weaver  in,  336,  337 

Thorington,  James,  attendance  of, 
at  Chicago   convention,   23 

Thurman,    Allen   G.,    188 

Tillman,   Benjamin  R.,   137 

Tourgee,  Albion  W.,  letter  to 
Weaver  from,   330,   331 

Towne,  Charles  A.,  nomination  of, 
for  Vice  President,  by  Popu- 
lists,   392,    393,    394 

Trades  unions,  political  action  be- 
gun  by,    341 

Transportation,  Weaver  in  favor 
of  regulation  of,  166 ;  demand 
for  popular  control  of,   364 

Treasury,  Secretary  of,  proposal 
of,  to  issue  bonds,  114,  115; 
bills  prescribing  duties  of,  128; 
report  requested  from,  140 ;  pro- 
posal to  grant  authority  to,  in 
the  matter  of  issuing  bonds, 
183 ;  right  of,  to  alter  notes, 
229,   230 

Treasury  Department,  surplus  in, 
114 

Treasury  notes,  need  of,  as  cur- 
rency,   224,    225 

Trimble,  H.  H.,  comment  of,  on 
Weaver's  change  in  parties, 
104,    105;   reference  to,    187 

Troy,    militia    from,    62 

Trumbull,  General,  nomination  of 
Kirkwood  questioned  by,    75 

Trusts,  demand  for  abolition  of, 
351,   364:   list  of,   462 

Tuttle,  J.  M.,  charge  led  by,  31, 
34;  injury  to,  32;  troops  com- 
manded by,  34;  report  of,  37; 
brigade     commanded     by,     39 ; 


492 


INDEX 


commission     of,      as     brigadier- 
general,  44 
Twelfth  Iowa  Infantry,  39,  40,  42 
Twenty-fifth  Indiana  Infantry,  as- 
sault by,   31,   35 
Twombly,  Voltaire,  flag  carried  by, 
36 

Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,  effect  of,  18 

Union  Labor  Industrial  Party  of 
Iowa,    300,    301 

Union  Labor  party,  organization 
of,  294,  295,  296;  vote  for,  in 
1888,  297;  convention  of,  299, 
300;  delegates  from,  300 

Union  men,   murder  of,   59 

United  States,  per  capita  money 
of,    143,    154 

United  States  District  Court,  ad- 
mission of  Weaver  to  practice 
in,   16 

United  States  notes,  change  in  de- 
nominations of,  prohibited,  252, 
253 

United  States  Treasury  notes, 
right  of  Secretary  to  alter,  229, 
230 

Van  Buren  County,  white  settlers 
prohibited  west  of,  2,  3 ;  cam- 
paign in,  19;  raid  in,  62,  63; 
reference  to,    68 

Van  Dorn,  Earl,  286 

Van  Wagenen,  A.,  correspondence 
of,   with  Weaver,   403,   404 

Veto,  Weaver  in  favor  of  partial, 
455 

Vice  President,  resolution  for  di- 
rect election  of,  351;  nomina- 
tions for,  376,  392,  395 

Vicksburg  (Mississippi),  37,  61; 
Confederates  at,  44;  campaign 
against,    49 

Vincennes  (Indiana),  speech  of 
Weaver  at,    318,   319 

Vinson,  Clara,  marriage  of  Weav- 
er and,  25 

Virginia,  direct  tax  paid  by,  284 

Voorhees,  Daniel  W.,  187,  188 

Wade,  M.  J.,  toast  by,  413 

Wadsworth,  S.  B.,  election  of,  as 
delegate,   398 

Wallace,  Henry,  tribute  of,  to 
Weaver,   422 

Wallace,  W.  H.  L.,  division  com- 
manded by,  39 ;  death  of,  40 

Wapello  County.    68 

Warden,  Mr.,   73 

Warner,  A.  J.,  free  silver  favored 
by,    366 

Warner  Silver  Bill,  vote  on,   125 

Warren,    Fitz    Henry,     attendance 


of,  at  Chicago  convention,  23 ; 
defeat  of,   68 

Washington,   George,   1 

Washington  (D.  C),  review  at, 
51;  conference  at,  158,  159; 
silver  meeting  at,   348 

Washington,  Weaver's  campaign 
in,   320,    321 

Water  courses,  reservation  of  land 
along,  favored  by  Weaver,  267, 
268 

Watson,  Thomas  E.,  nomination 
of,  for  Vice  President,  376; 
vote   of   Populists   for,    468 

Wealth,   struggle  over,   332 

Weaver,  Abram,  sketch  of  life  of, 
2 ;  settlement  of,  on  New  Pur- 
chase, 3,  4 ;  election  of,  as 
clerk  of  district  court,   8 

Weaver,  Abram  C,  408,  425 

Weaver,   Henry,   sketch  of  life  of, 

1,  2 

Weaver,  James  Baird,  ancestors 
of,  1,  2 ;  birth  of,  2 ;  removal 
of,   to   Iowa,    2 ;    early   home  of, 

2,  3,  4;  early  life  of,  3-10,  447; 
study  of  law  by,  10,  14,  15 ; 
trip  of,  to  California,  10,  11; 
return  of,  to  Iowa,  13  ;  position 
of,  in  store,  13,  14 ;  law  prac- 
tice of,  16 ;  interest  of,  in  sla- 
very question,  18;  attendance 
of,  at  Chicago  convention,  23 ; 
part  of,  in  organization  of  Re- 
publican party,  23;  marriage 
of,  25 ;  choice  of,  as  first  lieu- 
tenant, 26;  part  of,  in  capture 
of  Fort  Donelson,  33-37;  battle 
of  Shiloh  described  by,  40-42; 
promotion  of,  to  major,  45,  46, 
47,  48 ;  choice  of,  as  colonel^ 
47;  description  of  battle  of  Cor- 
inth by,  48,  49;  part  of,  in 
campaign  against  Atlanta,  49, 
50;  end  of  military  service  of, 
50,  51;  made  brevet  brigadier 
general,  51;  estimate  of  mili- 
tary service  of,  52 ;  post  at 
Pulaski  commanded  by,  53-58 ; 
choice  of,  as  commander  of 
home  guard,  60 ;  measures  of 
defense  taken  by,  61,  62.  63, 
64;  activities  of,  in  Republican 
party.  66-100;  candidacy  of, 
for  Lieutenant  Governor,  67; 
appointment  of,  as  assessor  of 
internal  revenue,  68 ;  election 
of,  as  district  attorney,  68 ; 
estimate  of,  as  public  speaker, 
69,  70;  defeat  of,  for  Congres- 
sional nomination,  70,  71,  72; 
candidacy  of,  for  Governor,  74 . 
75,    76 ;    support   of   prohibition 


INDEX 


493 


by,  80,  81,  82,  83 ;  nomination 
of,  for  State  Senator,  82,  83; 
defeat  of,  for  State  Senator,  85, 
86 ;  offer  of  nomination  by 
Greenback  party  refused  by,  91; 
withdrawal  of,  from  Republican 
party,  93,  94;  support  of 
Greenback  party  by,  95 ;  de- 
bate of,  with  Cutts,  95,  96,  97, 
98 ;  ability  of,  as  lawj'er,  99, 
100;  election  of,  to  Congress, 
101-103,  258;  activities  of,  in 
Congress,  107-154,  179-200, 
258-289;  speech  of,  on  army 
appropriation  bill,  108,  109, 
110,  111,  112,  113,  114;  opin- 
ions of,  on  finance,  110-129; 
estimate  of  speech  of,  122,  123; 
struggle  by,  for  recognition  in 
Congress,  133,  134,  135,  136, 
137,  139;  plan  of,  for  payment 
of  national  debt,  146 ;  third 
party  led  by,  151,  152;  first 
campaign  of,  for  presidency, 
155-178;  Butler  supported  by, 
158 ;  choice  of,  as  delegate  to 
national  convention,  159 ;  vote 
for,  in  convention,  161;  mes- 
sage of,  accepting  presidential 
nomination,  162 ;  presence  of, 
at  conference,  168 ;  replv  of,  to 
Lum's  charges.  169,  170;  re- 
pudiation of  letter  to  Gillette  bv, 
171;  vote  for,  in  1880.  173; 
estimate  of  election  of  1880  bv, 
175,  176,  177.  178;  altercation 
of,  with  William  Sparks,  189- 
196;  attitude  of,  toward  re- 
funding national  debt,  179, 
180,  181,  182,  183,  184,  185, 
196 :  educational  campaign  of, 
201-211;  campaign  of,  for 
Governor,  212-214;  political  ac- 
tivities of,  215-217;  Congres- 
sional campaign  of.  in  1882, 
205,  206.  207,  208.  209;  re- 
election of,  to  Congress.  215; 
attendance  of,  at  convention, 
215;  second  term  of,  in  Con- 
gress, 218-257;  contest  over 
election  of,  218-221;  soldiers' 
bill  introduced  by,  231;  atti- 
tude of,  towards  interstate  com- 
merce, 249,  250.  251,  252; 
support  of  Mills  Bill  bv,  259, 
260,  261.  262,  263,  264,  265; 
ideas  of.  as  to  public  lands. 
266,  267,  268;  organization  of 
Oklahoma  advocated  by.  269, 
270;  speech  bv,  against  nation- 
al banks.  272.  273:  filibuster 
of.  for  Oklahoma  Bill,  273. 
274,  275;  defense  of  "boomers" 


by,  279,  280;  opposition  of,  to 
refunding  of  direct  tax,  283, 
284,  285;  description  of,  288, 
289;  change  of,  from  Green- 
backer  to  Populist,  290-309; 
defeat  of,  for  Congress,  in  1888, 
290;  debate  over  endorsement 
of,  297;  part  of,  in  organiza- 
tion of  Peoples'  party,  305,  306, 
307;  efforts  of,  to  establish 
Farmers'  Alliance  in  Iowa, 
306;  part  of,  in  formation  of 
Populist  party,  307,  308,  309; 
second  campaign  of,  for  presi- 
dency, 310-343;  address  of,  to 
convention  in  1890,  314,  315; 
charges  against,  at  Pulaski, 
326-329;  vote  for,  in  1892, 
335;  address  by,  338-341,  413, 
414;  election  discussed  by,  342, 
343 :  change  of,  from  Populist 
to  Democrat,  344-382;  Kelly's 
army  assisted  by,  353,  354, 
355,  356;  campaign  of,  for 
Congress,  in  1894,  359,  360, 
361,  362,  363;  part  of,  in  cam- 
paign of  1896,  375-382;  Bryan 
nominated  by,  377,  378,  379, 
380,  381;  nomination  of,  as 
presidential  elector,  381;  later 
years  of,  383-406;  candidacy  of, 
for  Congress,  in  1898,  385;  of- 
fer of  services  by,  in  Spanish- 
American  War,  385,  386;  par- 
ticipation by,  in  Democratic 
convention  in  1904.  397,  398, 
399;  death  of.  406.  424;  rec- 
ognition of,  407-443;  wedding 
anniversary  of,  407,  408.  409; 
presentation  of  portrait  of.  409, 
410,  411,  412,  413;  funeral  of, 
424-429:  campaigns  of,  441; 
last  public  address  of.  441.  442 ; 
vote  for,  in  1875,  453 ;  disnute 
of,  with  B.  W.  Perkins,  461; 
volume  dedicated  to,  470;  paner 
edited  bv.    469 

Weaver,  Mrs.  James  B.,  letter  to, 
describing  capture  of  Fort  Don- 
elson.  33-36;  part  of,  in  cam- 
paign, 320.  324.  327.  331; 
wedding  anniversarv  of.  407, 
408.   409:   tribute  to,   409 

Weaver,  James  Bellamy,  naming 
of,  14;  reference  to.  408,  436 

Weaver  Park,  establishment  of, 
at  Bloomfield.  435,  436  437, 
438,   439.   440 

Weaver  Soldier  Bill,  introduction 
of,  130:  petitions  concerning, 
130.  131,  132,  197:  speech  con- 
cerning, 133;  reference  to,  139, 
140,    142 ;    endorsement    of,    by 


494 


INDEX 


Greenbackers,  158;  re-introduc- 
tion of,  231 

Welch,  Porte  C,  Congressional 
nomination  offered  to  Weaver 
by,   91 

Weller,  L,  H.,  motion  of,  159; 
election  of,  to  Congress,  206; 
attendance  of,  at  convention, 
215;  fusion  opposed  by,  296, 
300;  third  party  led  by,  297; 
objections  of,  to  Weaver  and 
Polk,  311,  312;  reference  to, 
375 

West,  A,  M.,  letter  to  Weaver 
from,   336,   337 

West,  dissatisfaction  of,  with  old 
parties,  113 ;  support  of  Weav- 
er in,   336 

West  Virginia,  campaign  of  Weav- 
er in,   167 

Westfall,  A.  J.,  campaign  of,  for 
Congress,  305 ;  appointment  of, 
en   committee,   307 

Wheat,  M.  L.,  appointment  of,  on 
committee,  307;  nomination  of 
Weaver  by,  313 

White,  Fred  E.,  410,  436 

Wichita  Indians,  reservation  of, 
234 

Wilderness,  battle  of,   142 

Willard,  Frances  E.,  conference 
presided  over  by,  307 

Wilson,  James  F.,  speech  by,  24, 
25 ;  election  of,  68 ;  reference 
to,  70,  88;  expiration  of  term 
of,  297,  299 


Wilson,  Woodrow,  work  of,  211; 
policies  of,  334,  403,  404;  nom- 
ination of,   406 

Witmer,  W.  W.,  election  discussed 
by,  343 

Wolves,  fear  of,  6 

Woman  suffrage,  attitude  of 
Greenback  party  toward,  160 ; 
Weaver  an  advocate  of,  439 

Woman's  Christian  Temperance 
Union,  presence  of  representa- 
tives of,  at  funeral  of  Weaver, 
424 

Women,  municipal  suffrage  for, 
recommended,    308 

Wonn,  H.  A.,  votes  defended  by, 
84;  attitude  of,  towards  rail- 
roads,  85 ;  vote  for.  453 

Wood,  Fernando,  activities  of,  on 
funding  bill,   180.  181,   182 

Wright,  Carroll,  411;  address  of 
Weaver  at  memorial  service  for, 
441,    442 

Wright,  Hendrick  B.,  vote  fcr,  as 
Speaker,  108 ;  vote  for,  in  con- 
vention,   161 

Wyoming,  Weaver's  campaign  in, 
321,    322;    fusion   in,    335 

Wayne  County,   168 

Yeomen,  presence  of,  at  funeral  of 

Weaver,   424 
Young,    Lafayette,    toast   by,    413  • 

reference  to,  414;  tribute  of,  to 

Weaver,  422,  423 


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